SOCWATSHA ka PAPU<

160 SOCWATSHA ka PAPU

<10.1.1897>

138	Regiments. Zululand.	[Approximate ages in 1897]1
	[Izimpohlo come in?]
	Izinnyosi. [Turn to p. 141 and p. 142.]2	94
	Udhlambedhlu - Dingana’s first regiment	90
	Imkulutshane. [Turn to p. 141 and p. 142.]	88
	Ihlaba	84
	Ndabakawombe	81
	Ingwegwe (Imdhlenevu or Udhlambedhlu - Mpande’s first regiment)	77
	Izingulube	73
	Isangqu (Amatshitshi)	70
	Amapela	68
	Tulwana (Imboza)	64
	Mzwangwenya (Inkonkoni)	63
	Indhlondhlo (Imidwayimba of the Zulu)3	61
	Udhloko (uDhlokwe, Imambaluti)	58
	Udududu (The bull of Tshaka)
	Umxapo
	Umbonambi
	Unokenke
	Indhluyengwe
	Ukandempemvu (Ungangezwe)
	Umtuyisazwe
	Unomzimane
	Ingobamakosi (Amazwayi)	39
	Uve	34
	Falaza
	Imbokodwebomvu (Ingubokakundhlase)	29

[For further observations in regard to this column beyond what is recorded below etc., see p. 140 and p. 141.]4

[Note. The Zululand regiments were given me on 10.1.1897 by Socwatsha as Mpande’s. I have copied them in here from another notebook.]

3.1.1900

File 9, item 51, pp. 1-7.

1 Socwatsha ka Papu speaks.

The Sirayo - Mgabi succession claim - Tshaka’s decision.

Sirayo ka Mapoloba ka Mbele ka Maguya ka Tondo ka Ludiyo ka Buyiswayo (‘he who caused the women to return to hoeing and the men to return to clearing the fields’);5 he, Sirayo, disputed the succession with Mgabi ka Mapoloba etc. as above. Their isibongo was abakwaNyuswa, kwa Ngcobo. Mapoloba’s heir Mkuyane - by Magcwabe (daughter of Gcwabe, father of Zihlandhlo, Gcwabe’s father being Kabazele6 - abasEmbo, kwa Mkize) - Mkuyane died. The Nyuswa izinduna, among them the greatest induna, Nkeneza ka Ngcengce ka Mpipa of the Ngidi people, directed there should be a discussion to appoint another heir (inkosana) in succession to Mkuyane (Mapoloba, of course, being dead). Those who favoured Sirayo thereupon armed themselves with shields and assegais, and those who favoured Mgabi also armed. They then all went to the rendezvous to talk over matters as directed by the izinduna, intermingled with abanumzana and some of the royal family of Mbele.

Whilst the discussion was proceeding, those favouring Mgabi had made a plan; they said Sirayo must be taken by surprise (junywe) and have an assegai thrown at him and be killed there and then, whereupon Mgabi would rule, the succession dispute being over. Shields are not put skinside downwards but hair downwards and assegais on the hide; this is done so that if any commotion (isidumo) occurs a man l can instantly take hold of the shield and assegais instead of groping about (gwaqazing). A man Sihlanu of Mgabi’s section hurled an assegai; it passed close to Sirayo’s right side but did not injure him and struck the shield beside him (on the isijwabu - inside of shield).2 The two forces immediately came into collision; they fought fiercely (ya buqana ya buqana). Mgabi’s lot was defeated and chased off. Warning was then given to all who were not present. They called one another to fight (memana’d) on both sides till their numbers swelled and again fought, severely killing one another. Again were Mgabi’s lot chased away.

The amaNgcobo were very numerous who governed their own sections in various parts of the country. Word was sent to these heads of tribes of Ngcobo family. They then went and joined Sirayo. The Nyuswa izinduna then sent to the various Ngcobo heads and said, ‘Go on to the side of the man you favour.’ They then went. Bovungana ka Mavela went and joined Sirayo (Bofungana - not Bovungana - being of the section I personally am descended from, viz. abakwaNgongoma); Dube ka Silwane of the Emaqadini people also joined Sirayo. (Dube, grandfather of Mqawe and father of Dabeka.)7 Tondolozi ka Tayi of the Emalangeni people also joined Sirayo. Mtshiyane ka Tshuku of the Tshangase people went to Sirayo. Marawule ka Nonyanda was of the abakwaMafuze people. (Marawule, father of Madhlenya, father of Hemuhemu, father of Mveli.)8 As for the Amaosiyana, they broke in two, some to Sirayo, others to

Mgabi. Mvakela’s Amaosiyana went to Sirayo; those of Gcugcwa went to Mgabi [this Gcugcwa is the very man who was afterwards caught and brought to Tshaka for stealing the cattle taken from Pondos and other cattle as well - a notorious thief]:

3 Gcugcwa ka Ncameni ka Sizana ka Nozaca, of the abakwaOsiyana people. Gcugcwa lived at kwa Mambulu, in country of dense bush (esixeni). Umambulu stream enters uTugela. Tshutshutshu now lives on Gcugcwa land.

Nomazucwana ka Ndela of the Mgangeni people joined Mgabi. All these men, although given different izibongo, were all portions of the Ngcobo family.

Sirayo was thus sided with (vunwa’d) by 6 persons of note, whilst Mgabi was sided with by two.

Fighting then went on constantly - always killing one another, Mgabi’s lot being defeated. This went on to such an extent as to be noised abroad in the Zulu country and to Tshaka that the sons of Mapoloba were destroying one another. It was stated to Tshaka, ‘They are destroying one another over the chiefship.’ Tshaka then said, ‘Go and summon them. Tell them to come here to me. Each one must come with those people who favour him. They must dress in their finery (ukuvunula); they must put on the dress which they use for the umkosi, the dress which they use when their father holds the umkosi.’ They thereupon went, went to Tshaka at Bulawayo. Sirayo was a very tall man and yet stout (zimukile), whereas Mgabi was quite short. Sirayo put on his headband of otter skin and imnyakanya of widow-bird and loury feathers, together with imiklezo and umqubula.9 Mgabi wore a headdress of mouse-bird feathers, and also imiklezo and umqubula.

4 They then came to Tshaka. Tshaka had in the meantime sent and called Dingiswayo at oYengweni, also Macingwane at eNgonyameni.10 The amaNgcobo then came to kwa Bulawayo. They formed a semicircle (umkumbi). Tshaka then chose the chief (beka’d). The first thing that happened was that Tshaka’s dog was doctored, it being said, ‘It is the dog which appoints the chiefs.’ It started at one side of the semicircle, and passed along, sniffing at the people. It sniffed at those in front, for it is the more important that stand in front when in umkumbi formation. It passed along the row until it came to Mgabi; it sniffed at him too, and passed on; it sniffed at the others in the front row. It came to where Sirayo was. It did not sniff at him; it lay down in front of him. Then the madman (uhlanya) of the Zulu people, Dhlungwana of Mbelebele,11 called out, ‘There is the chief of the amaNyuswa. The dog did not sniff at Sirayo; it came and lay down in front of him.’ He said, ‘Do you see that the dog has sensed who is the chief? Don’t you see by the very ornaments and dress that Sirayo has on that he is indeed a chief? Has there ever been a chief who dressed in mouse-bird feathers, who wore mouse-bird feathers on the head?’ He then told Dingiswayo, Macingwane and others that the chief was Sirayo. He then said, ‘Take Mgabi away and put him to death.’ Sirayo then said, ‘Oh Sir, he is the son of my father; 5 I do not like to see him put to death. I have beaten him. I have defeated him in warfare and again when the question of succession was considered.’ Tshaka then agreed to what Sirayo requested. ‘But you, Sirayo, must send people to me with bundles of tobacco (ugwayi), for the tobacco at the iMamba is good; I want to have some.’

They then all dispersed and went home. Sirayo thereafter caused tobacco to be sent to Tshaka.

Nomazocwana ka Ndela konza’d Tshaka. Tshaka liked him as he was smart, he being a member of Ngcobo tribe. Nomazocwana met Mgabi; they took a liking to each other. Sirayo became the great chief and inherited all the inheritances of the family. Mgabi was appointed chief by his mother, Magcwabe, for he was taken whilst a child and told to go and milk the cows at the upper end of the umuzi. Nomazocwana then said, ‘This tobacco regularly sent you by Sirayo is as regularly washed upon by him before being dispatched to you.’ He informed on (hleba’d) Sirayo, S. being absent. Tshaka then said ‘Nomazocwana speaks the truth. Sirayo inspires great awe (isitunzi sake sikulu). When I look at him, I am struck by fear. Also, I made him my induna at oBadaneni (built at the Mamba, on Madungela ridge). His company of men (ixiba) does not fight with others; it drives them away. 6 He strongly desires (nxanela) to kill me so that he can rule.’ A force was sent out to put him to death, without <his> being called up to inquire if the allegations made by Nomazocwana were true or not.

Sirayo was then put to death, whereupon our people (izwe) broke up and konza’d in the Embo country to Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe, at his Ezimahleni kraal, ‘the isimahla people who sleep by means of water (isimahl’ esilala ngamanzi)’, said probably because many were in the habit of sleeping only after having water to drink.

Tshaka again sent out his impi and put to death Mafongosi ka Bofungana. He was killed because it was supposed he was angry at Sirayo having been killed, for he had a warlike impi.

Tshaka then killed Tondolozi ka Taye. All those who escaped from the impi went and konza’d Zihlandhlo, in the Embo country, at Esimahleni.

Tshaka said of Zihlandhlo that he was his umnawe and allowed him to build an isigodhlo, that being an honour denied to others.12

Zihlandhlo was only put to death after Tshaka’s death by Dingana. Dingana was just about to fight the Boers. After this, people got into the habit of crossing over to live in Natal.

We are amalala. These are samples of our language:13

umntwana = unwana <child>

inkomo = iyomo <cow>

imbuzi = imbuti <goat>

Ukuzwa = ukuva <to hear>

7 ukuhamba = ukukamba <to go>

izwe = ilive <country, land>

amanzi = amadi <water>

umlenze = unede <leg>

bamgwatile enedeni = they have stabbed him in his leg

umkono = ukono <forearm>

umkonto = ukono <assegai>

wenzani = wedani, not wentani <What are you doing?>

pambili = kembili <ahead>

kuqala = ncadi <at first>

ulimi (olimini) = kelulimini <tongue (on the tongue)>

inxeba = linxeba <wound, injury>

It was owing to being killed off by the Zulus that many crossed into Natal, and ill-feeling between the Natives of Natal and Zululand continued till after Cetshwayo’s death.14 This feeling however is now disappearing in consequence of Dinuzulu. The old people resented their chiefs being killed by the Zulus, e.g. we Ngcobo people. The younger generation however speak of Dinuzulu as their king.

Nomazocwana was killed by Dubuyana ka Sirayo because of his having informed on (ota’d) Sirayo; this took place in Mpande’s time. Matondwana ka Nodada, an isikulu of the Biyela people, was also killed. Mpande then told his Zulus on the Tugela to move back onto higher ground as the Makafula of silungwini would destroy them.15

Socwatsha can give many izibongo of Sirayo - about 50-80 lines.

9.12.1901

File 71, p. 63.

63 [I had a long chat with Dhlozi, who arrived on 7th inst., about my wish to gather information re native affairs.16 I mentioned the advisability of getting Socwatsha down from Nkandhla. This evening I proposed his going to call Socwatsha and asked if he would like doing work in regard to native customs etc. He at once consented and we arranged for him to go and call Socwatsha, leaving here 12th inst. (Thursday), going via Bond’s Drift. My object in getting Socwatsha is to have someone I know and who thoroughly knows Zululand and its principal people, who is moreover smart and would understand the object of my inquiry and take interest in it; he moreover could supply good information as to biography of various Zulu heads.]

[I sent a few days ago (about 10) for a blind man from Zululand well up in izibongo of Zulu kings but he has not as yet been heard of. I gave £1 to the messenger for this man’s expenses (with mat-bearer - udibi). I want Dhlozi to leave soon so as to get Socwatsha about the time of the Christmas and New Year’s holidays.]

[Socwatsha and Dhlozi arrived 27.12.1901 (see notebook Hist. of Zululand).17]

<Stuart’s records of most of the interviews which he conducted with Socwatsha in the period 28.12.1901 to 2.1.1902 exist in two forms: 1) the original rough notes which he made during the interviews, and 2) transcriptions which he worked up from his rough notes. Where both forms of record exist, we give the transcribed version, with cross-references to the original rough notes (which Stuart invariably scored out to

indicate that they had been transcribed). Socwatsha’s statements are presented here in the order in which they seem to have been given to Stuart. – eds.>

<28.12.1901, Saturday.>

File 70, p. 6.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana for part of interview

6 [Note. I sent Dhlozi about 17 to 20 days ago (12th inst. - J.S.) to Nkandhla Dist. to fetch Socwatsha. They both arrived yesterday evening (27.12.1901) by train from Tugela, having walked from Nsuze where Socwatsha lives.]

Per Socwatsha in the presence of Dhlozi; Ndukwana was present during latter part of conversation and assisted in giving information, this day 28.12.1901 (Saturday).18 Socwatsha, if buta’d, would have probably belonged, he says, to Kandempemvu Regt. (followed in age by the Ngobamakosi) and so now about 48 or 49. He says he remembers seeing wounds on people who fought at Ndondakusuka (2nd Dec. 1856). Belongs to aba kwa Ngcobo tribe and the following is a list of names, in order, given by him of the heads of the tribe, beginning with the most recent: Mbozane, Sipandhla, Mafongosi, Bovungana, Mavela, Matshisa, Ndaba, Makamba (amaLala use this form) or Mahamba (Zulus use this form), Gasela, Nombika, Ngongoma and Ngcobo.19

A branch of a family followed out (genealogy) is spoken of as umnyombo. The chiefs of the aba kwa Ngcobo tribe are, beginning with the most recent: Deliweyo (deceased), Dubuyana, Sirayo, Mapoloba, Mbele, Magula (gave name, S. thinks, to the well known hill in Eshowe Dist.), Tondo, Ludiyo, Mbuyiswayo, Bamula and then, S. thinks, follows Ngcobo.20

As regards the origin of the Zulu people, S. believes that, like the food plants on the earth, the various Zululand tribes originated (dabuka’d) in different places. As far back as tradition goes, the Zulu tribe dabuka’d at the Emtonjaneni, at Endhlovane (a river which flows into the White Umfolozi). The aba kwa Ngcobo tribe have for ages past lived at Emamba and Ensuze where S. and his elder brother Godhloza now live. When one cannot account for the origin of a people, one says ‘dabuk’ ohlangeni’.21

<28.12.1901>

File 60, nbk. 1, p. 8.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga

8 The Zulu people were stirred up (dudile); they were stirred up by Shaka.

<28.12.1901>

File 70, pp. 6-8.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

6 <The statements that follow represent Stuart’s transcriptions of his original rough notes: these are to be found in File 60, nbk. 1, pp. 8-12 – eds.>

Now S. says he belongs to the Amalala people; these people ba bezi fuyile, i.e. <they were> their own masters. In ancient days when a fight arose the conquered chief would not be killed but caught and a large indemnity would be required to release him (hlenga him with cattle). The common people were of course killed. People went to fight with handfuls of assegais, instead of, as in Tshaka’s day, with only one assegai - a short stabbing one.

A man of great note in early days was Zwide ka Langa of the Ndwandwe tribe - he was well known (waye dumile).

7 The following are heads of those which appear the very oldest tribes of the country and of whose coming no traditions appear to remain: Zwide, Dingiswayo, Pakatwayo ka Kondhlo, Macingwana (chief of Amacunu).22 S. does not know which is the oldest.

In old days kwa ku citshwana, i.e. assegais were thrown at one another, not, as Tshaka taught, held in the hand.

In addition to the Amalala, above referred to, there are in Zululand the Amantungwa people, and these are those who speak of coming down with a grain-basket (ehlaing ne silulu). The same people are called Abanguni; these are the people who qokot’ ulimi, i.e. don’t tefula, in other words speak pure Zulu.23 The Amalala are more numerous than the Amantungwa. The word Inzula would be a collective name for all inhabitants of Zululand. The Amantungwa are said to have come down from the north and to have separated (hlukana) from the Besuto.

When Dingiswayo fled from Jobe he came first to Bovungana, the aba kwa Ngcobo chief [vide p. 6], and asked him to protect (tola) him. Bovungana replied, ‘I will not give protection to a chief (Ngeke ngi yi tol’ inkosi).’ He then killed him a nyumbakazi cow and told him to leave.24 Dingiswayo (then Godongwana) came to Sicongo ka Mandebele in the Ngcolosi country. Sicongo received him in a friendly way and, not perceiving his rank, sent him to thresh sorghum (bula amabele). This man Sicongo lived at Emandhlalati, below Ntunjambili.25 When threshing, Dingiswayo was ‘bitten’ by the chaff (umungu) of the sorghum. He then made off in the night, saying, ‘This is not protection; this is death,’ meaning the menial service he had to do, so he went on to the Amaxoza country and so on in the direction of the Cape. He went on to Cape Town. S. says he heard all this from natives of the Mtetwa tribe. D. returned on horseback. It is not stated how long he stayed away. Dingiswayo, when he came to power, bonga’d Bovungana for what he had done with a number of cattle.

The Mtetwa people are the Amatefula people, those from down-country (a se zansi).

The Siklebe, Nobamba and Mgungundhlovu kraals are on this side of the White Mfolozi and close to one another. S. thinks the Siklebe kraal was larger than that of Nobamba.

The sons of Senzangakona were: Sigujwana (chief son - inkosana), Mhlangana, Dingana, Tshaka, Ngqojane, Mpande and a number of others. Senzangakona is said to have had about as many sons as Mpande.

8 Dingana’s induna was Ndhlela ka Sompisi. Ndhlela was the father of Mavumengwana and Godide.

Dingana’s kraals were as follow: Mgungundhlovu. [Per Mruyi, 8.1.1903, and Ndukwana: Emvokweni (on the White Mfolozi, near waggon drift, south side), Odhlambedhlweni, Ezinnyosini.]

Tshaka’s kraals

1 Kwa Bulawayo - head kraal (ikand’ eli kulu).

2 Kwa Gibabanye

3 Kwa Gibixegu [same as Bulawayo, per Tununu and Ndukwana, 31.5.1903, also Ngidi]

4 Mgumanqa

5 Ufasimba - site near Enkanini and the Eqwageni site (Cetshwayo’s kraal because he had ‘eaten’ Mbuyazi).

6 Mbelebele

7 Dukuza

8 Kangela

9 Ozweleni

10 Entekelweni

11 Mdadasa

12 Ntonteleni

13 Dhlangezwa

14 Kwa Guqu

15 Obimbini - built in the Mtetwa country after Dingiswayo’s death, like the Mangweni kraal afterwards built by Cetshwayo?

16 Emkandhlwini

17 Emyeheni [Ndukwana does not know of this. Mkando knows it;26 his father was ‘poured in’ (telwa’d) there.]

18 Nomdayana

19 Obadaneni

20 Ekuwazeni

(Kraal near Emandawe, name forgotten by S., may be one of kraals already given.) [Bulawayo, says Mkando, 2.8.1902.]

21 Isipezi

22 Empangisweni

[Kwa Wambaza - see p. 79. EmPukaneni - see Dingana’s praises by Sivivi. Mbelebele - p. 292, Bird’s Annals.]27

Dingana was rejected (aliwa) in the Zulu country - not cared for. He was not praised at the place of the ancestors (emadhlozini).

[S. tried to give the Zulu kings but was not satisfactory.]

The Amantungwa lived at Endhlovane [p. 6].28

Mzilikazi ka Matshobana belonged to the Ndwandwe tribe.29

Dinuzulu married one of Qetuka’s daughters and other girls.30 He has had 4 children; one of these (girl) died, leaving 2 boys and 1 girl.

29.12.1901 - <evidence given 28.12.1901>

File 70, p. 8.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

8 Same conversation with S. of yesterday continued.

Zwide, Dingiswayo, Macingwana (of the Emacunwini people), Pakatwayo (Qwabe tribe - Meseni and Siziba chiefs in Lower Tugela Division of this tribe), Malusi (kwa Nxumalo), Bovungana ka Mavela (a ba kwa Ngcobo) - these are the names of ‘kings’ before the Zulu people were fused into a nation.

The Basutos speak of Zulus as Amandebele. Mzilikazi belonged to the Ndwandwe tribe.

<28.12.1901>

File 60, nbk. 1, p. 13.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

13 The umdaka ring was of brass (itusi) - put round neck.
Cattle originated (dabuka’d) from ohlangeni.31

<29.12.1901 - evidence given 28.12.1901>

File 70, p. 9.

Also present: Dlozi ka Langa, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

9 Under Cetshwayo, Mnyamana ka Ngqengelele was the induna. Qetuka was the induna of the left-hand house (ikohlo). Ntshingwayo ka Marole was the induna of the army at Sandhlwana. Muwundula ka Nomansane became induna in the place of

Masipula. Mpande’s great induna was Masipula ka Mamba; the first induna was Mbilini of the Mpukunyoni people. Dingana’s induna was Ndhlela ka Sompisi, whilst Nzobo was the lesser induna. This Nzobo was the one killed by the Boers. He was sent to the Boers, for the men (amadoda) said allegiance should be tendered (a ku konzwe). Mpande however pointed Nzobo out as the principal cause of Pieter Retief and party’s massacre, and so the Boers had Nzobo tied hand and food to a waggon-wheel, the waggon was then pulled off by oxen, and the man [was] crushed to pieces. Nzobo had in reality come to Mpande.

Under Tshaka the indunas were Mdhlaka ka Ncidi, Klwana ka Ngqengelele.

S. does not know who Senzangakona’s induna was. The country joined together (hlanganela) in the time of Ngqengelele.

A king rarely retained the preceding king’s induna because he was afraid lest he should ‘a mapule nge si tunzi’, i.e. overshadow him (the new king).

Dinuzulu’s induna is Mankulumana ka Somapunga ka Zwide ka Langa, also Mgamule ka Langa, also Mgamule ka Nzobo ka Sobadhli (aba kwa Ntombela).

<28.12.1901>

File 60, nbk. 1, pp. 15-17.

15 Questions to Socwatsha.

- You said Dingiswayo had no son, who was Mgcobo [p. 101]?32

- You said Dingiswayo had no son, who was Somveli, the man Sitimela said was his father?33

- Mzilikazi’s father.

- Kwa Nteke (T.’s kraal) not Ntekelo?

- Is not Mpangisa a kraal of T.’s?

- Who were Mkabayi and Mmama?

- Who used to be the great izimbongi, are any of Cetshwayo’s still living?

Who keep the graves emakosini?

- Is Dingana’s grave known? How did he die?

Who are the izinceku of the various kings?

Used ambassadors come to Zululand from Tongaland, Swaziland, Pondoland, Basutoland or Natal?

What is the relation of an inceku to an induna?

Who were the king’s doctors?

Who were the great witch doctors in the various reigns?

x Who were Cetshwayo’s greatest men, cabinet council?

- x Where was the inkata yezwe kept?

16 Who is it who lived at Ntumeni and kept the inkata etc.?

When did Tongas first come to Zululand?

x Who are those who ran away when Tshaka occupied the country of Mzilikazi, Zwide, Matiwana? Qeto of the Qwabe people who murdered Farewell and came to Lower Tugela.

x Do you know anything of circumcision, used it ever to exist in your tribe? What caused it to be discontinued in Zululand?

When was the headring first worn?

x Give the izibongo of the various kings, of any prominent men you know, also women.

Names of the respective mothers of kings.

Give me your life’s history.

x What is the greatest emblem of nationality, the inkata? What other things?

x What things were forbidden (nqunyiselwa’d)?

x Is there nothing about Zululand and the people that was permanent? Where are the national records?

x The graves are of great importance and permanent but is there nothing else, no stone or iron or izidwedwe?

17 x What was to the nation a witness to having existed ten or fifty years before in the country?

Praises of Cetshwayo, account of his death, causes.

History of Zululand for the years 1882 to 1888.

x Your father’s name.

Revise the Zulu regiments.

- x On what river was Nobamba built, Zimtlanga?

Account of your tribe, aba kwa Ngcobo.

What was isigodhlo?

x Names of various Europeans, in Zululand, Eshowe, Nkandhla.

x Native names of Cane and Ogle.

x What do you know of the flight of aba kwa Qwabe under Qeto, in Dingana’s day?

<29.12.1901 - evidence given 28.12.1901>

File 70, pp. 9-10.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

9 S. says he is about the same age as those in the Kandempemvu regt. and rather older than the Ngobamakosi. He says, jokingly, ‘I “drank"” from a bag of maize-meal’ (nga klez’ esakeni le mpupu).34 Remembers seeing persons who came wounded from the Ndondakusuka battlefield, being then [2nd Dec. 1856] about 4 years old.

Cakijana was a son of Dingiswayo; he came to nothing (citeka’d) due to illness (ukufa). Somveli was another son and the alleged father of the notorious Sitimela. Mgcobo too was a son of Dingiswayo and was killed by the Usutu.

Mzilikazi’s father was Matshobana.

The Empangisweni kraal was built on the breaking-up (citwa) of the Ndwandwe, and was one of Tshaka’s kraals.

Cetshwayo revived (vusa’d) many of the old kraals.

10 Mkabayi ruled (busa’d) whilst Senzangakona was still young. She carried a war-shield (isihlangu), and put on an umqubula of blue-monkey and genet tails, worn like an isidwaba.35 She was a daughter of Jama and elder twin sister of Mmama.

Myiyeya was the father of Dingana’s mother. ‘Is there not one of Myiyeya’s offspring? (Kako ini o ka Myiyeya na?)’ Mkabayi used these words when appeal was made to her to decide who was to succeed Tshaka.

<28.12.1901>

File 60, nbk. 1, p. 18.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

18 The place of washing (enhlambelweni), where the king washes (geza’s): an enclosure at the upper end.

<29.12.1901 - evidence given 28.12.1901>

File 70, p. 10.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

10 Mmama was of less importance than Mkabayi. Among Zulus there is a great and a small wele (twin); the first born is the great one.

Mtshongweni was the imbongi of Tshaka. S. does not know who Dingana’s imbongi was.

Magolwana ka Mkatini, Hlantele ka Qukaqa, and Mahlangeni were Mpande’s izimbongi. He may have had others. Magolwana was killed (put to death), whilst Hlantele was stabbed by a man. Mahlangeni went to Zibebu after Cetshwayo’s defeat and became Zibebu’s imbongi. He had a peculiar voice and cried out like a crow.

Izimbongi are usually given the stomach (itwani) part of a beast to eat. Mahlangeni bonga’d also for Cetshwayo.

Vumandaba is a man who could bonga Cetshwayo well; he however was not an imbongi but an induna.

Mtshongweni frequently bonga’d on behalf of others; so much did he do this that a proverb arose out of so doing, viz. ‘Ngi bongel’ amabandhla ngi ngu Mtshongweni ini na?’: Who, not having been given anything himself, bongas for those who have received gifts?’ [Noted. B. Prov.36]

There are izimbongi still living.

31.12.1901 - <evidence given 28.12.1901>

File 70, pp. 10-12.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

Conversation of 28.12.1901 continued.

At the time of Dingana’s death Dhlambula was chief over the Nyawo people. Dingana was killed at Hlatikulu and there buried.

The battle between Mpande’s forces and Dingana was fought at Emaqongqo. The Izimanguyawana of Sonsukwana;37 they said, ‘Ma! Ma!’

Ndhlela was killed by Dingana’s order for ona-ing (spoiling) and tukusa-ing (hiding) the army; he was killed at Emagudu. Dingana went off with a body of men to the Nyawo tribe, at the Ubombo hills. Dingana, however, had given out to the 11 izinduna and the impi that he was going to Somkanda’s; no one knew where that was.

Dingana’s troops said, ‘This man is killing us.’ It was the izinduna who sent to the Swazis (amankengana).38 A rumour was then circulated to the effect that an impi was coming to ‘eat’ the cattle. (Socwatsha got an account of all this from one Shibela ka Makobosi who is still alive, belongs to the Ihlaba regiment and is of the age-group of Mnyamana - deceased). Hearing this rumour, Dingana went outside, looked up at the sky, and said, ‘Mnyamana, Ndabezita, do you see what is in the sky? I have seen his evil practices (imikuba).’ He continued looking steadily at the sky. Shibela went in and out, seeing the king doing this. Night came and all retired to rest. Very early in the morning they smelt a strong smell (iququ) of birds. Mnyamana asked Shibela what this smell was. As he said so, an impi wearing bird-feathers came in. The women of the isigodhlo cried out. Then Dingana was stabbed, stabbed in the forearm. He went out and ran away. Many of the women of the isigodhlo were killed, others escaped by running away. The regiments had gone away; they returned the day following this occurrence and looked for the king who had hidden in a bush. ‘Weh, So-and-so; weh, So-and-so,’ Dingana said to someone he recognized in the distance. (Dingana used to tefula but Tshaka used to qokota.)39 This man said, ‘Here is the king,’ and went up and the king directed him to go and fetch from the izinceku his ubuhlungu (antidotes). These were got but the wrong drugs must have been sent, for when brought he drank a preparation made from them and then died.

The Swazis as they left the Ubombo shouted out to the Zulu people, ‘Here is your chief; what more do you want? Your people called us to come and kill him because he has tired you out.’ These Swazis were Dhlambula’s people for Dhlambula’s people were dependants (ba be fuyiwe) in the Ngwane country.

People on the death of the king were killed, as well as cattle. People were buried with Dingana (as umgando).40

The impi returned with the cattle. The plot was the making of the troops believe that an impi was coming, causing them to take the cattle some distance off; during 12 their absence the massacreing party attacked, did their work and left before the troops got back.

1.1.1902 - <evidence given 28.12.1901>

File 70, pp. 12-13.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

12 Conversation with Socwatsha of 28.12.01 continued.

Some woman of the royal house (inkosazana) is reported to have said, ‘Let us go to Mapita;41 let us not go to Mpande, who is an umtakati.’ They, the party under Dingana at uBombo, accordingly went to Mapita, who seized the lot of their cattle and would not send them on to Mpande who then had become king. It was a great wealth (umcebo) of cattle that Mapita received on this occasion.

Ndukwana then made these remarks: Mapita was with Dingana at the uBombo. A man, Mfinyeli, was sent by Mpande to see where Mapita was; they said, ‘At Esokosoko’ (a forest on the mountain). Mfinyeli was afterwards given a piece of ground by Mapita to live on.

Lufu and Malambule, who are Swazis, are said to have fetched a Swazi impi.42 Malambule was accused of pressing out (xoxaing) fat for Dingana. Lubelo was sent out (paka’d) by Mpande and killed Lufu.

There is a story to the effect that when, on the uBombo, Dingana sent to his last kraal for his things, it was the Kokoti regiment that was sent.

The people were wanted by Dingana to go northwards, but they demurred, fearing to be killed by imbo [probably dysentery of the worst kind - Colenso].43

Practically speaking, Mpande was killed by Cetshwayo, for he used to speak of him as the little old man (ixegwana), and he became thus disrespectful; <this was> for setting on (qataing) C. and Mbuyazi at Ndondakusuka.

Socwatsha says: Tshaka’s impi went as far south as the Esikaleni se Nyoka,44 wherever that may be. He attacked in the country of the aba Bomvana aba fanayo (i.e. Europeans).45 Tshaka himself went with this impi and it was he who used this expression in regard to the ‘white people’. [But on looking in Colenso’s Dictionary I see ‘Bomvana (ama). Name for Bushmen.’ Socwatsha must be mistaken in saying the expression referred to Europeans.]

Papu was Socwatsha’s father, Zikayana (left-hand house - ikohlo), Mavela [see list of ancestors, p. 6].46

Socwatsha returned to Zululand after Cetshwayo’s restoration and was at Emtonjaneni when Somsewu (Sir T. Shepstone) spoke.47 Papu, S.’s father, died a very old man; he had put on the headring and married late in life.

Among those who fled from Zululand (in Dingana’s day) was Nqeto ka Kondhlo. 13 This Nqeto [wrongly called Qeto in Bird’s Annals and Russell’s Natal] met his death at the Mzumbe.48

Among the first residents of Durban were Kito [Cato], Mangcingci [Beningfield], Hohlo [Ogle?] - a son of this man was called Tshaka and lives near the Umzimkulu.49

The inkata of the nation (inkata yezwe) etc. The inkata is constructed of medicines (imiti) and izidwedwe,50 which are twisted round and round together and made one, thereby intending to symbolize the unity of the nation, being an embodiment or visible expression of a hope that none shall break away (muka) and konza among other peoples (ezizweni). The inkata, S. says, resembles the intelezi, medicines which the impi before going out to war was sprinkled with; the intelezi was sprinkled on the men by means of a grass broom (umtshanelo) and it is said to have been bitter (baba’d).

The inkata of the umuzi was made so that the umuzi would not break up (hlakazeka), and the object in constructing it was to bind all into one united people.

No one but the King was allowed to make an inkata of this kind, not even a member of the Royal family. The inkata was carried by old women who no longer menstruated.

The doctors were the ones who sprinkled the impi with intelezi but old women also assisted and like them used grass brooms.

The following is a list (perhaps not quite complete) of things which were always preserved or kept at the King’s kraal.

1 The axe (imbazo) of the umuzi - for cutting trees for the umuzi

2 The inkata of the umuzi. [There were two izinkata, say Ntshelele ka Godide and Somzica ka Godide - one was kept at kwa Nobamba, the other at esiKlebeni; the more important was the one at Nobamba - 27.2.1922.]51

3 Firesticks of the umuzi - for kindling fire

4 Intelezi

5 The king’s ubuhlungu52

6 Things known by those at the upper end (ukwazi kwa nga s’enhla) for poisoning people53

7 The assegai of war (umkonto we’mpi)

8 The stick of war - used to point with in giving orders

29.12.1901

File 60, nbk. 2, pp. 1-5.

1 Questions to Socwatsha.

Sir M. Osborn’s praises, who made them?

C.R. Saunders’ praises, who made them?

What does amantungwa mean, also abanguni? Distinguish carefully between the characters of the two classes, amantungwa and amalala, and between the amatefula if these were a separate class.

Who were the principal envoys to Somsewu, Sobantu, the Boers, also to Sir M. Osborn? Names of envoys from Tongaland to Sir M. Osborn, from Mapita and Zibebu.

Who besides Mkabayi, Mmama and Sojisa (father of Mapita) were children of Jama?

Was Senzangakona a son of Jama? Did he reign long?

Are any of Dingiswayo’s own relatives still living who would tell us how long he stayed away, how many seasons they planted?

Were you with Sir M. Osborn at Nhlazatshe, if so how long?

Who are the great smelters of iron and iron-smiths of Zululand and who of them are still living? Where are their homes?

2 Who are the great izangoma of Zululand who are still living and where? Imilozi.

Distinguish between isanusi, isangoma and inyanga yo ku bula.

Who are the marriage officers of Zululand, is anyone responsible to the king for the occurrence, were marriages ever reported? Were deaths reported or births?

Where did cattle and goats come from respectively?

When did sheep and horses first arrive?

What were Cetshwayo’s symbols of office?

Describe the effect civilisation has had on Dinuzulu.

Is Ndabuko dead? [Yes.] Give his history.

The histories of Qetuka, Mgamule, Mankulumana, Siziba, Msutshwana, Yamela, Somkele, Sokwetshata, Mvundhlana, Ngqengelele, Zwide, Dabulamanzi, Mtokwana, Somveli (ka Dingiswayo), Tshaka, Dingiswayo, Dingana, Zibebu, Cetshwayo.

3 When did Mapita die? [Before Zululand war and after Mpande’s death.] Where and what from? Who was his chief induna, also Zibebu’s? [Sikizane ka Nomageje.]

What is Zibebu’s present attitude?

Distinguish between hlobonga and soma.

Names of all Zululand lethal weapons, also knotted and straight sticks, all shapes and sizes, also carved ones.

Names of food plants, cereals etc.

Are there any customs peculiar to the Ngcobo tribe which distinguish it from other peoples?

Do you mark yourselves in any way, or speak or hlonipa, taboo anything re burial, building huts, marriage etc., zila’ing?

Who were the first Europeans to come to the Inkandhla Dist.?

Give the names of Mpande’s sons and daughters, who they married, etc.

Names of ornaments in your tribe, and what was the clothing worn in old days?

Have you any old legends?

Names of all kinds of basket-work and strings.

Names of all kinds of pots (kambas) and utensils.

4 Do you know of any old stone implements?

What woods are used in making fire?

Conservatism: Are there any ‘survivals’ in Zululand, ‘which take place when old acts and fashions, though superseded for ordinary purposes, are kept up under special circumstances, especially on state occasions and in solemn ceremonies’? Is there a general attachment to ancestral habits and dislike to change and reform? If so how is it Tshaka managed to change the mode of fighting? Has not isicoco changed?

Did cannibalism ever exist in Zululand?

Give the story of Sitimela.

Give list of all the old independent tribes of Zululand; was Mzilikazi an independent tribe, also Nqeto? What was the true cause of Mzilikazi’s going? Did the people of any other tribe follow after him?

What do you know of Bovungana or any other of the chiefs of your tribe? How come there to be the two branches you enumerate? What split the tribe up? What localities do they respectively occupy? 5 Senzangakona’s, Dingana’s and Mpande’s kraals.

Do you know of any old men in your tribe who would not be afraid of coming and giving me information? [Godhloza.]

How did the word Amabunu originate?

Was Tshaka the first to speak of Europeans as ababomvana?

Who was Mxamama? [p. 97, Annals of Natal]54

What regiment is your brother Godhloza? [Would be Mpunga regt.; S. thinks Dhlokwe.]

If Tshaka said abaBomvana then when did the term abelungu arise?

Izidwedwe.

Inkata.

Difference between ubuhlungu, isihlungu and ukwazi.

Amabomvana.

Ngungunyana and Sotshangana.

Kondhla - meaning of.

amaNtungwa and abeNguni, difference between ama and aba.

Praises of Tshaka, Mpande, Dingana, Pakatwayo, Dingiswayo, Zibebu, Mapita, Sir M. Osborn, Dinuzulu, Senzangakona, Dabulamanzi.

Sons of Mpande.

Revision.

Return in the winter and bring Siyunguza and another.

29.12.1901

File 70, pp. 13-17.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

13 On the 29th Dec. 1901 a conversation took place on the following subjects. Among the things nqunyiselwa’d (tabooed) by the Kings were:

1 Leopard skins

2 Umncaka, i.e. large red beads

14 3 Igwalagwala - the Lory [Colenso]55

4 Red wire armrings (ubusenga), worn by the isigodhlo women; made (gaywa) by amaNhlwenga56

5 Lion skins

6 Dun-coloured beads - imfibinga. The following is a form of oath: ‘I hulula the imfibinga.’57

7 Ingxota, armband for important men

8 Umkangala [see Colenso] - name of wood used by Tshaka.58

AmaNtungwa and abeNguni. These two names are for one and the same class of people. Among the amaNtungwa are the Kumalo tribes. The Kumalo people have an isibongo which runs ‘umNtungw’ oluhlaza’.59 The Kumalo people were also addressed as ‘Ndabezita’.

The spelling abeNguni is the proper one, but the pronunciation abaNguni will also be heard.

S. can give no meaning to the word i- or ama-Ntungwa except that such people are those who came from up-country (aba qamuk’ enhla).

The aba kwa Nzuza separated (hlukana) from the Besutu; the aba kwa Ntuli (former chief Ndhlela) belong to the amaNtungwa class. The people known as umzansi,60 viz. Mtetwa, Qwabe and Ndwandwe tribes, said to the amaNtungwa, ‘So you left your country and came down with a grain-basket (ne silulu) to the country of our people??’ AmaNtungwa say to Mtetwa, ‘You are amaNhlwenga from down-country.’

The Mtetwa, Qwabe and Ndwandwe tribes tefula in their speech and may be called amaTefula. Their proper collective name is umzansi. ‘Mtetwa ka Nyambose, wena was’ ezansi’ is an Umtetwa tribe isibongo.61

The amaLala are not associated (hlangene) at all with the abeNguni: they are separate (a wodwa nje). They were brought together (hlanganisa’d) by Tshaka. The umzansi people are not again associated (hlangene) with the amaNhlwenga.

The amaLala originated inside the country (dabuka’dpakati kwezwe) and first dwelt on both sides of the Tugela and reached as far as the Mhlatuze. The Amacube (chief: Sigananda ka Zokufa) are amaLala, as also the aba kwa Hlabisa who live at eHluhluwe. They went to live across the Mhlatuze on the accession of Mpande. Malusi, father of Sotondose (Sir M. Osborn’s induna at Nhlazatshe and who was got 15 rid of for being on too intimate terms with Zibebu and Hamu whilst Cetshwayo was still over the sea - ngapetsheya),62 lived in Hlabisa district. Mbopa (of the Hlabisa tribe) was killed by Zibebu at oNdini (the kraal was burnt).63 Mnyombo is now chief.

The amaLala for the most part therefore are on this side of the Mhlatuze. The following, for instance, are amaLala tribes: aba kwa Cele; aba se maLangeni (they live at the eMvuzane, which enters the Mhlatuze); amaCube, Emansomeni (the people themselves say Emasomini); a ba se maQadini; a ba kwa Ngcobo or Ngongoma; and a ba kwa Nyuswa (these belong really to the Ngcobo tribe); a ba seMbo (chiefs: Tilongo and Sikukuku, both sons ofNgunezi ka Siyingela ka Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe (a somewhat numerous tribe); they begin at Engudwini and go as far as the Qudeni forest. The Eshowe district is built by Qwabe as far as uMhlatuze.

Socwatsha has purposely left out of account those amaLala tribes living on the south side of the Tugela.

In comparing amaNtungwa with amaLala, the latter are said to tekela;64 the building of huts is the same with both peoples; their customs are the same as

regarding marriage, burial, and construction of headring. The differences between the two classes are now practically nil.

The word ‘Bayete’ originated from the uhlanga, like sakubona. As regards the word ‘Ndabezita’, the Zulu people, when under Tshaka they acquired power, appropriated it for themselves and tabooed it in respect to the Kumalo, emaMbateni and emaCunwini tribes who had previously used the term.65 The Zulu isibongo was aba kwa Lubololwenja; this afterwards became obsolete and frequently the words a ba kwa sibongo sibi were substituted.66

S.’s father Papu was an isancute, i.e. not with pierced ears (boboza’d); this in face of the fact that Ngqengelele had to boboza.67 [He, Papu, belonged to Tshaka’s oBadaneni kraal near the Mamba river, close to Tugela and on left side of road going from Fort Yolland towards Tugela - per Socwatsha, 10.4.1916. This kraal fell within the Nyuswa district.]68

Envoys (amanxusa). To Somsewu (Sir T. Shepstone): Sintwangu (deceased) ka Ntenjane; Sidindi (living - an old man) ka Mnqunelwa; Nkomesiswebu (deceased); Funwayo (deceased); Sijulana (of the Mngunyanapeople - name of reeds - at White Mfolozi near Ntuzuma hill).

16 Amanxusa to Sobantu (Bishop Colenso). Same as above. Under Dinuzulu they were Mjwapuna ka Malungwana, Mtokwane, Tulwana ka Mantizela (remained a long time at Colenso’s), Luzipo ka Nomageje (stayed a long time) - was present in Pietermaritzburg when the Duke of York received the chiefs.69

Mtokwane was also an innxusa sent to Sambana. He was called ucingo, not because of his speed in carrying messages but in consequence of the frequency with which he went there.70 He used to go backwards and forwards without spending any time to speak of at home.

It was owing to the influence exercised by Nzobo, one of the izinduna, that the amarole cattle were not restored to the Boers.71 Nzobo found that these cattle were of a superior breed, had long large udders etc.

Amanxusa to Sir Melmoth Osborn: Ndungunya ka Mlaba (of the Nxumalo people), Mfunzi ka Dumuzele (of the Xulu people), Zeyize ka Mtendeleka. There were also a number of others: Nomagqwaba ka Mgungulu (built at kwa Gazo, in Sotobe’s district).72

Among those sent by Sir Melmoth Osborn to Tongaland were Bikwayo, Weli, Magatsha (died there), Mpiko, Botshobana.73

From Tongaland came Madevu (Bruheim) and others; and from Ndhlaleni came Nkamba.74

Among the children of Jama were: Senzangakona, Sojisa, Nontshiza (left-hand house - ikohlo - father of Timuni), Sigwebana (ikohlo), Mudhli.

Senzangakona disputed the succession (banga’d) with Sojisa; latter defeated by Senzangakona. S. reigned a long time, about as long as Mpande; he died when he had grown-up sons. Tikili (chief Somkele’s mother) was a daughter of Senzangakona; Sokwetshata’s mother was also a daughter of Senzangakona.75

Tshaka sent out an impi into the wilds (endhle), i.e. before it got home from one expedition it was sent off on another. His troops never rested. If any section of the impi felt proud and indispensable on account of their proved bravery, Tshaka would give an order to kill them on the ground that they stood in the way of others who could equally distinguish themselves.

3.2.1902 - <evidence given 29.12.1901>

File 70, pp. 18-19.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

18 Conversation of 29.12.1901 with Socwatsha continued.

There are no doubt persons living who could throw light on the subject as to how long Dingiswayo stayed away from the tribe but it is not likely they could state the period at all definitely. Natives cannot count years.

S. never stayed with Sir M. Osborn at Inhlazatshe. He found Misjane (J.W. Shepstone) at Eshowe.76 Met Mr Osborn at Eshowe.

There used to be no cannibals in old days. Cattle originated from the uhlanga (dabuka’dohlangeni), also goats and izimvu (black goats); there were dogs but no cats, no fowls; no pumpkins but amabece melons, amapuzi pumpkins; no horses.

It was Dingiswayo who brought in the practice of butaing amabuto for he saw European troops at Cape Town. In old days amabuto were not divided according to age-grade (nqamuke ngo buntanga) but went according to kraals; all the men and boys of such kraal, no matter how various their ages, formed the fighting force of the kraal and were all given one name; it was ingxube - mixture. Among some of the ancient regiments are the Amapela of Zwide, but these men were not arranged according to their ages. Mzilikazi had the Izimpangele regiment; this was found to be the case when he was fetched from up-country (landwa’d enhla). Zwide would, of course, have learnt from Dingiswayo.

Among the notable and distant rivers were the uBekenya (deep pools only, no drift), Malinga, Isangqu, uBemba.77

After Tshaka’s mother left Senzangakona, she is said to have married Ngendeyana [Gendeyana, according to Mkando, 13.7.1902], who is believed to have been the father of Ngwadi, Tshaka’s half-brother.

As regards Dinuzulu, he is merely an umlandwane; he did not dance (sina), and his mother’s father, Msweli, had no name (igama) in the Zulu country. Under ordinary circumstances Manzolwandhle would certainly have ruled; the late Ndabuko sided with him.78

Tshaka’s mother, Nandi, was of the eLangeni people, not ‘Amola’.79 Sibongo is kwa Mhlongo (not of course to Zwide ka Langa’s people). S. thinks Nandi was a

daughter of Mgabi; Makedama is a son of Mgabi. Mgabi’s grave is near where Matendeka (Harry Osborn) used to live, on his farm and just above the first house. Tshaka was harassed (hlutshwa’d) by Makedama, not of the Qwabe people, but of the Langeni people. H. Osborn’s second house is further down.

19 ... <Linguistic note omitted - eds.>

One of Pakatwayo’s amabuto was called Izinkondo.

S. says that after full consideration he concludes that Dingiswayo did get as far as Cape Town, for tradition says he did get there. However impossible it may appear for him to have travelled so far, even though he was a great sufferer, still in view of the current general belief S. feels compelled to accept it as true.

5.1.1902 - <evidence given 29.12.1901 and 5.1.1902 (Sunday).>

File 70, pp. 19-22.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

19 ... <Praises of Cetshwayo, with annotations, omitted. These praises were transcribed by Stuart from original rough notes: the latter are to be found in File 60, nbk. 2, pp. 13-20 - eds.>

22 S. says that the praises (of Cetshwayo) are much longer than above given. A man called Vumandaba kaNteti, induna of the Kandempemvu, who, however, was not a regular imbongi though he took a special interest in bonga’ing, could go on bonga’ing for hours. He is dead now. S. also heard others, viz. Zimu ka Madhlozi, when using the smoking-horn (igudu) at the place of the people of Sitshitshili; this man used to be a policeman at Eshowe and was well up in the praises of Cetshwayo. Maxetshana ka Vumbi, who was of the age-grade (intanga) of the king, could also bonga; is living, his kraal being near Socwatsha’s in the Ngcobo tribe.

30.12.1901

File 70, pp. 22-4.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana

22 Tribes of Zululand (fairly complete list of those in Zululand at the outbreak of Zulu War). Given by S. on 30.12.1901.

1 Aba kwa Butelezi (b)

2 Aba se Mambateni (c)

3 Aba kwa Nzuza (d)

4 Aba kwa Xulu

5 Aba kwa Kanyile

6 Aba kwa Ndwandwe

7 Aba kwa Qwabe

8 Aba kwa Mtetwa

9 Aba kwa Nxumalo 10 Aba se Mantshalini

23 11 Aba kwa Mdhlalose

12 Aba kwa Redeba

13 Aba se Mangwaneni

14 Aba se Macubeni

15 Aba kwa Majola

16 Aba se Langeni

17 Aba kwa Ngcobo

18 Aba se Mbo (no chief now)

19 Aba se Macunwini

20 Aba kwa Ndhlovu

21 Aba kwa Ntuli

22 Aba se Mangweni

23 Aba kwa Mpukunyoni

24 Aba se Mdhletsheni

25 Aba se Mancwabeni

26 Aba se Qadini

27 Aba kwa Kumalo

28 Aba se ba Tenjini (the people of the place of Jobe)

29 Aba kwa Cele

30 Aba se Maqungebeni

31 Aba kwa Biyela

32 Aba kwa Zulu

33 Aba kwa Ntombela

34 Aba kwa Cebekulu

35 Aba kwa Mbonambi

36 Aba kwa Sokulu

37 Aba kwa Zondo

38 Aba se Mapisini

39 Aba kwa Gazo

40 Aba kwa Magwaza

41 Aba kwa Nxamalala

42 Aba se Mabomvini

43 Aba kwa Hlabisa

44 Aba se Mgazini

45 Aba se Gazini

46 Aba kwa Zungu

47 Aba se Mandhlazini

48 Aba kwa Dube

49 Aba kwa Makanya

50 Aba se Mambedwini

51 Aba se Mangadini

52 Aba se Manzimeleni

53 Aba kwa Mwandhla

54 Aba se Mankwanyaneni

55 Aba se Maqanyeni

56 Aba kwa Caba

57 Aba kwa Nene

58 Aba kwa Koza

59 Aba kwa se Zibisini, ‘whose mouths are red from children’(ezimlom’ ubomvu na bantwana)

60 Aba kwa Ngedi

61 Aba se Manzobeni

62 Aba se Mayezeni

63 Aba kwa Luhlongane

64 Aba kwa Vilakazi

65 Aba kwa Sibiya

66 Aba kwa Mpungose (a)

67 Aba kwa Makoba

68 Aba kwa Matonsi

69 Aba se Maxatsheni

and possibly others

70 Aba se Mdhletsheni

71 Aba kwa Sikakana (chief: Mboma ka Mqele)

Notes on above: (a) present chief is Mbango ka Gaozi ka Ndhlovu ka Kuba; (b) chief: Tshanibezwe ka Mnyamana ka Ngqengelele ka Mvuyana; (c) chief: Nqodi ka Diyikana ka Hlakanyana; (d) a former ancient chief was Madhla.

24 Conversation of 30.12.1901 with S. continued.

The Amampondo are called amadebe because they cut their faces.80

... < Praises of Zwide and of Mzilikazi omitted - eds.>

S.’s brother Godhloza was not buta’d; had he been, S. thinks he would belong to the Dhlokwe or Dududu regiment, but G. himself gives out that he would have belonged to the younger Mpunga regiment, which S. thinks incorrect.

<30.12.1901

File 60, nbk. 3, p. 1.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

1 The a ba kwa Lubolo lwenja people. They are of the original people (kwo kudabuka).

The small vagina (umsun’ omncane) - Amabacas’.

<30.12.1901>

File 70, pp. 24-6.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

24 Mzilikazi belonged to the Kumalo tribe; he and his people lived near the Ndwandwe people (Zwide). They went off up-country without konzaing. Mzilikazi was an inkosi. In olden times there were not many people. Mzilikazi was driven away (citwa’d) when living where that ikanda of Mpande called Mfemfe was and in which

25 Hamu lived. He, Mzilikazi, lived in what afterwards became Hamu’s land. When the exodus took place no doubt other than mere members of his tribe joined him.

S. cannot account for the origin of the name amaBunu (Boers); it is an old name, for S.’s old father, Papu, used to use it. An amaBunu isibongo runs thus: ‘the imiranga of Piti’speople’ (imirangaya ko Piti). Umranga: cf. the big buttock-cover (ibetshu) is an umranga.81

S.’s father lived at Obadaneni, one of Tshaka’s kraals and into which people of all ages were incorporated (telwa’d). This kraal was somewhere in the Mahlabatini District. Papu did not go out much; he, however, was not ungoqo,82 a man who never konza’d, never went out with the impi, but stayed and minded children and cattle.

Pieter Retief and party were killed at Emkumbane.

Notes respecting the aba kwa Ngcobo tribe:

In old days, a hundred years ago or so, there were no small kraals in the tribe. Nowadays only imizi of the inkosi are large kraals. The country was not at war, with people blockading (vimbezela) one another. The kraals were all made large, of many huts etc., so that if blockaded the people at the kraal would be sufficient to offer an effective resistance.

The names of Bovungana’s amakanda were: Emdunyeni, Ebagiyozini, Ebugagwini, Embizeni (of our people, S. says, of the left-hand house), Ogujini, Engxangangxangeni, and others. All these were large kraals of 20, 30 and 50 huts apiece.

Our chief fought with aba se Mcubeni and aba se Malangeni, aba se Maqadini, aba se Mbo (only once with these, because the Nsuze got full; low-class people (abafokazana) muddied (dunga) the water up above, higher up.

All the chiefs died natural deaths and they never paid tribute (etula’d) to the Zulus. They used to ask for the gourd (uselwa) for the ukwetshwama ceremonies from Mapoloba (a Ngcobo chief).83 Mapoloba got angry if Bovungana, Dube or Tondolozi tshwama’d without telling him. Bovungana’s people got their own gourd but it was necessary to report the incident to Mapoloba, who would say, ‘Let these our brothers (abafowetu) go and tshwama.’

If a chief who was not an inkosi got a gourd with the view to tshwamaing, it 26 would not vutwa (get cooked). Bovungana ruled according to his own customs. He

practised umcatu, a custom apparently peculiar to the tribe.84 People would go out to wash at the river, at the Mfuduka; mats would be spread out from the river to the home; people would walk very slowly on the mats. Should any stranger come and walk hurriedly along the mats, people would say, ‘Who is this fellow (umfokazana) who is seizing the inkosi’s land by walking so hurriedly?’ He would be at once called on to stop and come back, would be asked to say where he comes from, be told to wash and then do the umcato in a proper manner. On such an occasion as this, plenty of beer would be cooked, also izindhlubu nuts. This stranger would be given food and otherwise he hospitably treated, and after he had been detained some time the izinduna would plead for him and the inkosi would permit him to go but he would have to move off at a very slow pace.

<30.12.1901>

File 60, nbk. 3, pp. 4-7.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

4 Bovungane killed many people. There is a hill at the Nkandhla, the uGcongco. Grain baskets were woven for killing people; they were made of grass. Any doing wrong, [he] said, ‘Carry the basket.’ Goes down. All go up Gcongco. When up, they would put [them] in the basket, even if 2 or 3 persons. Each person be given a lump 5 of meat so that he can eat as he goes. Get in. The basket is sewn up and then rolled down the steep hill. Goes like a stone, bump bump, until the person or persons is smashed to pieces.

His cattle when milked on rainy days the izincekus poured in their gourds, not in Bovungana’s; the rain dripped on the insila; the cow got wet.

Food ground by women, ground sideways for Bovungane. Did not look at stone because strong-smelling smoke would blow on the food. Saw old woman (Nkofela) who actually did this - she ground for the inkosi. Bovungana used to have a woman killed to see how a child was situated in the vagina.

When had gone out to see cattle with men would say, ‘We are boys herding cattle; let us kill an ibuzi rat and roast it.’ He would give directions to collect firewood. Get 6 a heap as it was bush country. ‘Catch a steer.’ Kill it, put it on the heap of wood unskinned and fired. Burn and turned with izinto.85 Give leave to eat, inside as if boiled.

Not young boys herded cattle but men armed for there were many thefts - bandits (izigcwelegcwele).

Father said that no inkosi (neighbour) ever overcame them, only Tshaka. Bovungana died natural death. B.’s son Mafongosi was killed by Tshaka.

Tshaka concealed the impi that came to destroy our country (izwe). Sent what were called amanxusa, 2, then 3, then in fours.86 The men were suspicious, and whispered among themselves. Amadoda sola’d and nyenyeza’d. The main body was

hidden. They did not carry war-shields to prevent arming. The number of amanxusa 7 increased greatly at Mafongosi’s kraal. Our people say, ‘I swear by the chief who died when people were whispering.’

The amanxusa stabbed the inkosi and sounded the call to arms (umkosi). When said, ‘To arms,’ Tshaka’s impi swooped in. When impi suddenly rose up, no ability to fight. Killed off. The so-called amanxusa came of course from Tshaka who said they must be taken unawares (surprised), as the Ngongoma people were brave.

31.12.1901

File 60, nbk. 3, pp. 7-15.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana

7 Mbozana still living (Tulwana Regiment).

Sixebe went out from Nobamba, Senzangakona’s chief kraal. Sipandhla died just before the Zulu war. Saw him. Headringed, tall and slight, dark. Mafongosi, don’t know him, killed by Tshaka.

... <Praises of Bovungana omitted - eds.>

9 Bovungana’s grave is at Nsuze.

... <Praises of Mavela and Matshisa omitted - eds.>

Ndaba - not know. Godhloza is our imbongi.

In former times (endulu) no small kraals; not married, your few children elama’d when big, when impi came how to carry them all; not much beer drunk by men, it made them tired and made them grow old; young men did not care for it, not andile.87 10 Men and youths rose in the night and sit at the gate; eat there; teeth, had complete sets in old age, no toothache; did not quickly get grey; strongly built, retained strength a long time.

Dried mealies and boiled mealies (izinkobe) - these made a person strong (qinisa’ umuntu).

Umnyambazi, ibaqanga - stiff porridge.

... <Praises of Mafongosi omitted - eds.>

12 His voice becomes hoarse (kocoza); it becomes weak and hardly audible.

Wants boys to be in office and write, know debts etc. and to make waggons and workshop (shabu).

Tshaka was blamed for never allowing his impi to rest - despatched from the veldt.

[Ukwazi means knowledge and it also means poison, a remarkable combination - J.S.]

[Compare the word insaba = detective (one who fears and yet comes to know). There is a perpetual fear that surrounds those who seek for knowledge. Truth is shrouded with fear. Death encircles Truth on every side. It is the brave and patient that win.]

[An unassisted nation’s knowledge of a people is well illustrated by the Zulu people, I mean unassisted by ships, telegraphs, writing and steam-ships, horses, 13 coaches etc. or other means of locomotion. Consider the geographical knowledge of a Zulu in the days of Tshaka, also his historical knowledge of his own people. All this, I say, shows what man is under certain conditions and shows us when we compare it with our advances what man can be and it shows the meaning of progress and the instrument whereby it is made.]

Ngungunyane was chief of the abaTshweki, who qakaqa, and who often became izinyanga of healing. They came to Zululand and Natal. Nxumalo and Ndwandwe people left Zululand. Manukuza was a descendant of Gasa (wa ba ka Gasa).88

The Amampondo impi was the kukulela ngoqo when got as far as Sikala se Nyoka,89 said to make large fires, not to sleep there, and leave fires burning - afraid that we would come (heard all this from Dingiswayo).

14 S. says Tshaka spoke of white people as abaBomvana.

The impi was sent out again to Mzilikazi and Sotshangana, the ihlambo for his mother Nandi, the ukukulela ngoqo.90

‘Here is the Mediator (umalamulela), the one who mediates for the cattle of the hawkers (abarwebi)’ - this was called out by Dingana.91 No one to weep. ‘The evildoer (itshinga) from the Mtetwa is dead, the madman who is destroying the country, the one who is refusing to allow the people to have children.’

Told all in the bushes to come, and the sick, but as matter of fact they were afraid of Tshaka’s impi.

Isitunyisa - isibamu92

Ihashi - injomane93

Abelungu and abelumbi - does not know origin of this word.94

Inkata. Placed in a large pot (imbiza) with an ikamba pot over it; stayed kwa nkosikazi at the upper end.

15 Ndukwana: We think the Swazi name abalumbi suggests the real meaning because they make many things.95

Does not know what tribes with Sotshangana - hear it said uSotshangana ka Zikode.

Does not know who Manukuza is, though familiar with word.

‘USotshangana ka Zikode’ were words used in songs in Dingana’s day, that is how N. comes to know them.

Does not know what caused them to go, but it happened in Tshaka’s day.

Vumandaba ka Nteti was an inceku of Mpande, but induna of the Kandempemvu, of the uhlangoti section, Umtuyisazwe. Mkosana ka Mvundhlana was induna of the main section (isibaya esikulu) of the Kandempemvu. Vumandaba <was> killed at Ondini by Mandhlakazi.

2.1.1902

File 70, p. 17.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga? Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

17 Conversation with Socwatsha this day.

Dingana, as soon as he came into power, allowed(vulela’d) certain regiments of girls to marry, doing this no doubt to win public favour (namatela kuye).96 Among these amabuto were those known by the names Ntshuku, Mcekeceke, uMvutwamini, ‘which ripened when the sun was hot’,97 iCenyane. These were butwa’d by Tshaka but not caused to marry (ganisela’d).

Dingana was, like Tshaka, found fault with for killing people. Ngqojana ka Senzangakona was killed by Dingana.

Tshaka seems to have been liberal as regards giving food, but refused to allow (forbade) girls to soma.

Tshaka once wanted to see if izangoma were infallible in the discovery of truth. He sprinkled a lot of blood in the isigodhlo himself. Only Maxibi of the eLangeni people was correct in saying how the blood had got to be where it was. [To my astonishment Dhlozi informs me that our old servant Sotemela (September) is a son of this man.] Those izangoma who failed were put to death. Tshaka’s action on this occasion was not disapproved, seeing that the ordinary people had just cause for complaint themselves against the doctors for they often smelt them out wrongly. The king’s action seemed to check a growing abuse.

Cetshwayo, when he became king, discountenanced the system under which, after reference to izangoma, men were allowed to be killed off. He referred a matter, that formerly meant an order to kill, to the izinduna of that district in which the accused lived, who were instructed to make a thorough inquiry and then report. I rather think this change must have been brought about by the insistence by the European Government, at the time of Cetshwayo’s coronation, on cessation of shedding of blood without trial. The ultimatum contained a demand on the same point.

[Here followed a talk on questions concerning European government of the Natives, European influences etc. which will be found in the proper notebook.]98

2.1.1902. Silverton Road, Berea, Durban.

File 71, pp. 63-5.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

63 Conversation with Socwatsha ka Papu in the presence of Dhlozi and Ndukwana ka Mbengwana, 2.1.1902.

The great thing we are thankful for to British Government is that the country is in a state of peace. We can now sleep well (lal’ubutongo), which in former days could not be. There are other advantages derived but I go on to the complaints we have against the system.

Our grievances are:

(1) The having to pay hut-tax twice over, viz. living on farms.

(2) The having to pay taxes at all in these hard times when all our cattle have been carried off by rinderpest.

(3) Being disallowed to marry a daughter off to a suitable man who has cattle in accordance with old custom. The girl is not to go where she does not wish to go,64 nor may she go where her father disapproves or has not given his consent. Girls’ lovers are frequently idle, useless fellows. Girls are our ‘bank’, source of profit, our ‘income’; who has a girl knows he has cattle. Among those complaints which the 27 chiefs from Zululand (not including Mehlokazulu who was ordered by Mr Saunders to go back) were going to lay before the Duke of Cornwall in Pietermaritzburg, this, in respect to their daughters, was the principal one.99 The chiefs however were not permitted to speak, were told so beforehand and they felt it very much. How ever does the Government come to be concerned in what is after all a purely domestic, parental matter? The children were borne by us alone in our huts, the children are like izimpahl’ emsamo, our own personal property; whence, then, this interference of the Government? Our daughters engage themselves to amaruzwana, loafers and idlers, who fill them up with medicines (gcingca them nge miti) and we are powerless.

(4) Everybody nowadays seems to be or can be a doctor. This is a source of annoyance and is a danger to public health. In consequence of ill-qualified practitioners, many people are not properly attended. Among these doctors are strangers like Amanhlwenga, abaTshweki, abeSutu, and amaTshangana who bring with them all kinds of drugs. There is no room for upstarts in matters of this sort, i.e. those who neither their fathers nor grandfathers were doctors. A profession of this kind is followed for generations in one family.

(5) Divorce - a woman leaving a man to go and marry another. In the Zulu country, only when her husband had driven her away could she marry someone else.

(6) aba Meli - lawyers. A case is based on lies (icala li tetwa ngamanga). And even when a case is over and a man has failed, he will be required to pay heavy costs.

(7) Magistrates unable to speak Zulu. It is a very great handicap if a man has to be interpreted for, which is called kwitizaing.100 How can the Magistrate or Judge come to know the truth of anything?

(8) Quarrels as regards land. Chiefs quarrel with one another and yet if only inquiry would be made the natives would willingly go into the whole question, giving it in all its bearings.

65 Chiefs are being separated and created all over the country. They are independent instead of being all under one head like Dinuzulu. This division is a source of weakness; if all are united they are likely to forget that they are weak. If they formed a single ingxuku under Dinuzulu there might be danger of disturbance.101

People appreciate British justice under which the 2 who have quarrelled are summoned and a case is heard at length and the matter decided. The strict inquiry that follows death under suspicious circumstances is very satisfactory and pleasing. And it is a great relief when, in times of scarcity, waggons laden with grain are brought into the country for the benefit of the people.

Socwatsha himself does not bula now; this is simply because he has lost all faith in izangoma which occurred on the occasion of a young step-mother of his dying suddenly. He then took 10s. with him and proceeded to 10 different doctors, those who bula’d and those who threw bones (not however to imilozi),102 and each one spoke differently from the others, leaving him in the end as much at sea as ever.

There are now many schools in Nkandhla District. The Zulus quickly become kolwas, are ready converts, and those who have kolwa’dku se nga bantu.103 Kolwas have many things, many debts etc.

Nkambula is a young man who is a clerk at Eshowe - storekeeper - and belongs to kwa Tshange (Yamela) people. Came into the service in Sir M. Clarke’s time.104

Kolwas are smart in putting by food in anticipation of a dry season; they exercise prevision like white people; they have learnt.

<2.1.1902>

File 60, nbk. 3, pp. 19-22.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

19 Nziba (Nzibe?) ka Senzangakona followed Mpande in age. Mbuyazi was a son of Tshaka (Mbuyazi was ka Tshaka); Mpande said so. The country is Tshaka’s. He pointed to Cetshwayo when he was among the Boers, ‘when I was an ordinary person, a member of an ibuto, but now I am king the chief son is Mbuyazi’.

20 Mpande said Tshonkweni was a son of Dingana (ka Dingana). Hamu replied, ‘Mbuyazi is a son of Nziba, from the drinking-pot of a chiefship (udiwo lobukosi) at the First Fruits when the king broke the gourd and sucked medicine from the fingertips (finishing ceremony).’

Mpande called Mbuyazi, said, ‘Let him suck medicine from the fingertips.’ He did so.

Mpande then picked a beast, killed and gave right side (sesidhlelo) to Cetshwayo, and left side with the inxeba given to Mbuyazi - this left side with wound, the side from which the shield is made, is the one of honour, the greater one.105 This is the ongoing difference which led up at once to Ndondakusuka.

Mbuyazi tall, no umzimba, called Nqulu in a song because of bones at thigh joints. Idungamizi (Mpande).106

‘Here is the chief, Mbuyazi; he is of Tshaka; the whole country is Tshaka’s.’ Pointed out Cetshwayo to the Boers in Natal when ‘the rope broke’.107 Mbuyazi at

that time had also crossed over. The Boers cut C.’s left ear at top so as to know him again. C. and Mbuyazi, also Tshonkweni, are Amapela - but called Tulwana.

21 Nkwebane are youths who are klezaing at the amakanda before being joined together in one place.108

They did not kleza in the Amapela; they kleza’d in the Inkupulane - boy name for Tulwana.

Inyati - boy name for Dhlokwe.

Imsebeyelanga - Indhlondhlo.

Imbube - Dududu

Uhlwayi - Mxapo

Amazwayi - Ngobamakosi

- Kandempemvu

- Amapela

- Uve

- Falaza

- Nokenke

- Izingulube

Insewane - Imdhlenevu

This regiment was Insewane under Dingana but Mpande called it Dhlambedhlu, alias Mdhlenevu.

Ndabakawombe.

(D. called them Kokoti but M. said Ndabakawombe.) Nodwengu made of amalgamation (inhlanganisela) of Dingana’s amabuto - not a single new ibuto. Mdumezulu built by Mpande. He joined all the Izimpohlo together.

22 Zulu tribe is Abenguni.

First site of Nodwengu was Enhlungwane.

Second site of Nodwengu near Siklebeni in view of Mtonjaneni.

The Izigqoza were his people (aba kwa bo) from Ntengweni. Mbuyazi named them thus just as C. called his Usutu.109

Heavy rain (usihlambisinye) - name of a great rain, thundered a little, shook a little, rained 4 days, hillsides slid down, just before Ndondakusuka.

Mbuyazi said, ‘We smell out his people; we will not hold a smelling-out.’

We went and konza’d to Mbuyazi.

Mdumba was with Mbuyazi and Mantantashiya (followed Mbuyazi in age). Mdumba was followed in age by Mkungo. Mkungo much too young to be at Ndondakusuka.110

3.1.1902111

File 60, nbk. 3, pp. 23-4.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana?

23 Dinuzulu. Spirits, shirt to sleep, not ngcedi,112 but beer is brewed - does not kill off. Mlonyeni informant. Sends for cases to store.

Can whip people.

A son of Dabulamanzi committed adultery (pinga’d) with Dinuzulu’s wife, a daughter of Ntuzwa of the Mdhlalose people.113 Ntuzwa is a brother of Seketwayo.

Cut off woman’s ear, and drew a number of front teeth.

Saunders only reprimanded.

Relations between Zibebu and Dinuzulu.

Prestige (itunzi) defeats another, he breaks; is a chief in his own right, cannot come but will send messengers. He does send messengers. N. and Tsh. object.114 D. says never mind their objections.

A grudge lives on (umlandu uhlezi) - saw this when Dinuzulu insisted on his coming to attend the hearing of a case concerning 100 heifers which built the umuzi, Abatweni, of Mapita and given by him to Hayiyana. Zibebu said Hayiyana took it 24 himself, not given. No quarrelling with C.115

When he crossed the sea he said, ‘Zulu, here are my children - they are to be protected and my property and Zibebu.’ Dinuzulu went to Banganomo.116

When chiefs being appointed - all to give up the cattle of Cetshwayo and bring them to Malimate.117 Zibebu gave up Cetshwayo’s. He was told to give up guns - he did so and took to Sir M.O. at Nhlazatshe. Cattle were sold by public auction in Pietermaritzburg. It was then said Zibebu sided with the English. Mmango asked for people from all leading men (amaduna), from Uzibebu and others, to go to Kimberley.118 On return from Kimberley, Zibebu’s people were killed at Mahu’s ka Tokotoko ka Sojisa. (Mahu is living and became Usutu).

3.1.1902

File 60, nbk. 4, pp. 1-8.

1 3.1.1902 (continued). After this the disturbances broke out. Hayiyana and Mahu said to Ndabuko, ‘We must fight with Zibebu because he took cattle and gave to Europeans and he will rise up in their eyes.’ Others, however, did give up Cetshwayo’s cattle. All these 13 caused mischief in Zululand. Cetshwayo never met with them on his return.

The 13 were:

1. Siyunguza ka Silwana of the Mpungose people

2. Mgitshwa ka Mvundhlana of the Biyela people

3. Myandeya ka Mbiya of the Mtetwa people

4. Somkele ka Mayanda119

5. Mfanawendhlela ka Manzini of the Zungu people

6. Ntshingwayo ka Marole of the Koza people

7. Zibebu ka Mapita of the Zulu people

8. Mgojana ka Somapunga ka Zwide ka Langa120

9. Hamu ka Mpande of the Zulu people

10. Seketwayo ka Nhlaka of the Mdhlalose people

2 11. Faku ka Ziningo ka Zwana of the Ntombela people (all on other side of Mhlatuze)

12. John Dunn (Englishman)

13. Hlube ka Mbunda (Basuto)

John Dunn’s amaduna:

1. Majiya ka Tshandu of the Nzuza people

2. Sigcwelegcwele ka Mhlekehleke of the Emangadini people

3. Njakaba ka Sopane of the Qwabe people. Could raise about 2 amaviyo.121

4. Zimema ka Sigodo of the Manzimeleni people

5. Palane ka Mdinwa (Many people - more than other izinduna; Majiya and Zimema would follow.)

6. Manyonyo ka Siqulaza of the Maqungebeni people

7. Manyonyo ka Njongolo of the Mdhletsheni people

8. Habana ka Nzwakele of the Dube people (and other small izinduna, including amanhlwenga - amapini)122

9. Makoba ka Gaozi of the Mpungose people

3 The Qwabe people crossed over (wela’d).

Siyunguza, Mgitshwa ka Mvundhlana and Mavumengwana123 - the favourites (izintandokazi) of Malimate, but he preferred Siyunguza to them all. Siyunguza was an inceku of the place of Cetshwayo.

Sibebu, J. Dunn, Hamu, Hlube - these 4 gave the cattle up.

Why do you count those absent and leave those present out - Siyunguza and Mgitshwa? For when absent we are counted as having given up cattle.

Sidindi ka Mnqunelwa was envoy (inxusa) to Pietermaritzburg for Cetshwayo and is one of Siyunguza’s men.

Siyunguza acted for (patela’d) Mbango when still young - brother of Gaozi - and uncle of the Makoba above named. Siyunguza is Amatshitshi (Isangqu) regiment, older than Amamboza.

4 Mpungose konza’d at the place of the Zulu long ago. Mpungose are possibly Amantungwa but long ago arrived in Zululand. Fought for Cetshwayo at Ndondakusuka.

(Mngcangca ka Fabase chief at Pietermaritzburg, blind, escaped, lost his eyes, this happened about 4 or 5 years ago.)124

Izinceku of Cetshwayo: Siyunguza, Bejane ka Nomagaye, Sambela ka Nkuku, Jikajika ka Nxozana, Nkabaneni ka Mbopa, Mkungo ka Manqondo of the Magwaza people, brother of Qetuka.

British Government prevented Mpande from going out to fight outside Zululand.

Bejane said, ‘ Weh, Somsewu,’ when Gallwey went with Somsewu, and C. approved this, thought B. was a hero (qawe).125 Siyunguza objected to this. ‘Why B., 5 who called out to the chief of other nations (inkosi ye zizwe), is he not taken to task?’ Siyunguza saw in this incident that war was imminent.

Cetshwayo’spraise: ‘Imbobo ya mapoyisa’, i.e. guns.126

Dinuzulu was called, refused, refused and then came. All ambuka to go out.127 All Zulus to come in, even ordinary people (abafokazana), so that the abafokazana could tell others.

The Government said, ‘What did you want in the Boers?’ ‘I asked for a blanket to cover myself with; I asked for a shield to protect myself with.’

‘You made salutation to the flag (iduku); the calf is calling; it is calling for its mother; you are calling for isikonkane; you will leap over it.’128

I was present when D. was spoken to.

Men who came to Government in Pietermaritzburg: Pakade ka Ngonela; Siziba ka Dhlozolo sent to P.

6 D.’s envoys (amanxusa) complained of being given a country of thorns (izwe la meva). ‘Are we to eat thorns?’ The izwe la mafuta was given the open country (izinkangala).129

‘Were not amakanda built in the Emahlabatini country, in the thorn country?’

D. was fined 50 cattle and N. was fined 50 cattle too for leaving Z. without permission and going to say what they did to Boers. Sir M.O. had already fined D. 30 head for not coming when called. These cattle were not paid and had to be taken by force.

Siyunguza, Qetuka (ikilikici le qili, ipengu)130

... <Linguistic note omitted - eds.>

Mnjunju ka Sijube - chief: Majiya.

Mpumela ka Ndhlela now Ngwenya at Ntuli tribe

7 Mavumengwana - induna at the place of Mnyamana, at his home. He tasted food for the king to see which was the best.

Zibebu

Somkele

Sokwetshata

Old things not spoken of in Zululand for fear of being killed, but not for speaking of old customs.

Izinganekwana - same still told, many of them, all of same age - fear of telling tales because of having horns; only old women and children relate (zeka) them.

[3.1.1902. I have noticed that every man has izibongo; these seem to me of very great importance, especially as throwing light on past history. These izibongo are indeed the national record - every kraal bonga’s their ancestors. I think therefore this 8 is a greater and a more reliable field for exploration and to it I want to devote special attention. The chief characteristics of individuals are often clearly brought out. Izinganekwana may be enlightening but izibongo are infinitely more so.

I have noticed that in my inquiries into old history and customs frequent reference is made to izibongo as something which is fixed and true.]

4.1.1902

File 60, nbk. 4, pp. 8-16.

Also present: Ndukwana kaMbengwana

8 ... <Praises of Shaka omitted - eds.>

10 Tangayi ka Hlati ka Ntopo, the inkosikazi of Qetuka, carries her shield (irawu) and bonga’s; she is like Mkabayi who carried a shield;131 is a cousin of Socwatsha. S. will converse with her and others, especially men who know back history. Her umkaba is large (woman). Said of Tangayi.132

... <Praises of Phakathwayo kaKhondlo, Dingiswayo and Maphitha omitted - eds.>

12 Mpande, sons and daughters of

Mbuyazi	Ziwedu	Dabulamanzi
Tshonkweni	Maranana
Somklawana	Tshingana
Mantantashiya	Siteku
Dabulesinye	Mgidhlana
Mdumba	Sukani
Sikota	Msutu
Mkungo	Magwendu
Mtonga	Cetshwayo
Hamu	Silwane
Nunu	Ndabuko

Younger (follows in age) brother of Mtonga was killed by Cetshwayo; name not known.133

Batonyile - married among the Mtetwa.

Nomabunu - married Mgojana ka Somapunga ka Zwide.

Mbixabixa - married Mgojana also; had a girl who, if boy, would have been chief of the Ndwandwe.

Two married a son of Matshana, viz. Miso; one married Matshana ka Mondisa.

Popoza - married Mfokazi ka Sikonyana, brother of Ntshingwayo.

13 Mpande’s daughters - one married Mtshekula ka Nogwaza. Mtabayi (sister of Hamu, follows him in age) married Bantubensumo ka Klwana ka Ngqengelele. One married to Ndwandwe ka Lundiyane ka Mpazima; don’t know his people (uhlobo). One married to Ndwandwe ka Mdhlaka of the kwa Langa people at Esikaleni se Bomvu (which is dug up),134 near Itala mountain. One married to Muntuwapansi ka Nobiya ka Sotobe ka Mpangalala of the kwa Gazo people. One married to a son of Tondolozi ka Nhlaka ka Dikane of the Mdhlalose people. One married a son of Mtakati (of eBaqulisini). And others.

14 Afternoon, 4.1.1902.

Nzobo, alias Dambuza-mtabate, ka Sobadhli (ka Dhlukula) was the man sent to the Boers to bring Mpande back, but Mpande said this is the very man who caused Piet’s death.

Europeans who first came to Nkandhla to build office - Landelisa (Pretorius), at Ebatsho river (Nqutu), started Nkandhla after building Nqutu one.

Socwatsha got to Zululand before building of Nqutu office. S. went to Zululand when C. returned from England. Godhloza konza’d Sir M.O. and S. followed him.135

John Dunn, Ladamu, Momoyi (Samuelson), Mankankanana (Hanise, at Ntumeni, Norwegian missionary, dead, only <illegible>, Nzimela (dead - Robertson), Tikli (at eKombe, at eQudeni), Mondi (Oftebro), Matshayinnyoni, uDotela (Dr Oftebro),

15 Zombeyana (dead), Johannisi (Colenbrander), Mgcogcoma (son of Letsheni, near Marshall Campbell’s) at John Dunn’s, Lasini (Larsen), Mfundisi (dead), Sir M. Osborn (Malimate), Magququka, Smiti (Webber), Faya (Faye), Bebedhlana.136

Bovungane, Mapoloba, Dube, and Tondolozi ka Tayi, different chiefs, joined in Ngcobo.

People came whilst eating was going on, food given to one although others are present; even abanumzana did. Now when food is given the others present are offered it and he is watched. Mavumengwana found fault with him for giving beer to Mtshayeni, an old man (an isilomo of his place who was not an induna).

Women never went to where beer was being taken, and men did not go where 16 women drink; cannot leave his place. A woman never passed a house door, and went on tip-toe, so that her skirt (isidwaba) would not make a sound.

We (Natal natives) began breaking the customs and others followed.

Women become disrespectful from contact with Natal. Ingqutu never given, in some places, occur here and there.137 For omulisaing girls.138 Is an old Zulu custom but not general. Only wealthy people gave it.

Ezinkehleleni - an ibuto allowed to marry (juba’d) by Mpande.

The unozungeza beast which went round (zungeza) the hut of the wife’s mother, while the calf was tied up inside - last beast. No nozungeza in Natal.

6.1.1902, Monday - <evidence given 5.1.1902>

File 70, p. 26.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga, Ndukwana kaMbengwana

26 [My last talk with Socwatsha was last evening, in the presence of Dhlozi and Ndukwana, when I merely revised Cetshwayo’s, Zwide’s and Mzilikazi’s izibongo and asked a few simple questions. I gave him a good blanket, a coat, coloured handkerchiefs, and a small axe, as well as 10s. for his return journey. I have still a good deal more to enter up, I mean of notes of conversations with him in Ndukwana’s presence. N. did not always agree with S. but this only occurred once or twice.]

24.1.1904

File 61, nbk. 35, pp. 1-16.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga

1 Socwatsha and Dhlozi. Cattle in Zulu life.

Dhlozi: Kill one another for cattle.

Belongs to notable warrior (iqawe) - he gets from the king.

Fights with the enemy.

Izinduna report what iqawe has done.

Not conacona (given about indiscriminately) to all people.

His relations, old women, come to give cries of joy (halalisa) when he is given cattle by the king (xotshiswa’d inkosi).

A big man’s dependant will report being engaged, i.e. wants cattle. Big man gives 3 or 4 cattle. When he fathers a child, he makes a presentation (etulas),139 returning cattle given by his ‘father’.

King gave cattle to big men, not etula, king send for and go into isigodhlo - will be lobola’d with many cattle.140

2 A man’s brother married is lobola’d for. This brother will return a child - etula -for the service rendered.

Socwatsha: I agree with Dhlozi.

Is a greatly valued thing (igugu) - like a woman, and child and food. Many purposes served. Iqawe given beasts, builds umuzi. People in misfortune (izihlupeki) will come to him; they see that he has lit a fire.

People get money in order to buy cattle. At first no money, cattle were money. Person ill - sent to innyanga, is treated (elapa), when recovers the doctor is paid a beast.

When ill - illness due to amadhlozi - amadhlozi call for a beast. One will then be slaughtered by direction of doctor.

‘I want such-and-such a beast,’ giving even its colour - a dream.

The doctor too would give the colour of the beast required. When killed, person 3 will recover, but iffalse words (amanga) the person will die. The false words spoken by doctor. What is wanted and frequently happens is for sick person to partake of beast killed.

A person who has been tried (tola’d icala) at the king’s pays a fine of a beast (hlawulas nge nkomo). No case is held - merely seized (idhliwa).

In Senzangakona’s and T.’s reigns, lobola’d with 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 cattle.

King claimed 100 cattle from his isigodhlo girls.

Dhlozi: A man who marries isigodhlo girl is helped by all his tribe to raise the 100 head, for an inkosikazi is being installed. They will not demand the return of such cattle. No one gives more than one.

4 Socwatsha: When food is scarce (indhlala) a man takes a beast and buys (tenga’s) food - a hole pointed out with 10 or more sacks.

Dhlozi: Large iziqabeto baskets as measures - measure the mealies. Amanqina are amaqomo - filled till spills on the ground.141

Socwatsha: 4, 5 and 6 sacks were obtained for one beast.

Formerly one got a holeful for a pregnant beast. Nowadays such a hole, say 7 ft. in diameter by 6 ft. 6 in. deep, would be bought with several beasts.

A cow has curds (amasi) and amafuta (butter). The hides are scraped for skin skirts - izidwaba (a person who has no isidwaba is a dog). The fat of a beast killed is 5 used to smear on the head, body, izidwaba, especially izidwaba, the skin cloak (isipuku) for sleeping (of calf-skin). The fat causes softening. A gourd (large one) 15 in. high is equal to a heifer; an upiso pot or ingcazi pot full of fat also equal to a cow.142

A man who has no cattle is an umfokazana.143

A man who has cattle will marry.

Now cattle are killed off we are nothing - for when one goes to buy mealies you ncama with amasi of a cow.144

Hunger (indhlala) kills us now - seeing no cattle.

A very young child is given amasi - begins on amasi of cattle before eats mother’s milk, or on goat’s milk if no cattle.

A boy suckles after 8 days.

A girl suckles after 6 or 4 days.

6 ‘Bellow, beast; you who will never go from this place’ (Kala nkomo wen’ o nga so ze waya ndawo). Not said nowadays in Zululand. <It was> said because <they had> not been defeated; they were ruled by their king; could not see what could defeat them, did not even dream of defeat.

Among the Zulus only might ruled since the days of Tshaka.

In old days kings if caught were ransomed (hlengwa’d) with beasts. Zwide however killed them. Dingiswayo did not kill amakosi.

Boys herd cattle.

King’s cattle were herded by men at first, latterly inkwebane,145 but even then men enquired into illness of beasts. Dhlozi kleza’d at Emlambongwenya and herded cattle there.

Girls wore imitsha loin-covers to herd cattle - the custom when drawing out

7 disease (umkuhlane). (Nomdede alias Nomkubulwana).146

Separate the cattle, grind grain to cook isitubi (porridge with milk) for girls to eat - not cooked with water.

After eating will go out with cattle; have brothers’ imitsha on, old and young girls.

Return when it was getting dark - sunset.

This done only on one day.

Spit in girl’s presence, accuse her of living immorally - will go and call others -not tell the older people - keep quiet. Steal an assegai, go to the cattle of the man who insulted them - cut open the stomach, all wash with umswani,147 not eat it, leave at 8 the river - go and wash in river. Boys will go and raise the alarm at home. Kill any beast, even belonging to another man.

Horns. For smoking-horn (igudu), put on top of principal hut (inkosikazi), (so that it can be seen that people are eating). For giving an enema (cataing), for making izigqobela snuffboxes, for making amatshungu snuffboxes. For keeping doctor’s medicines. They lumeka, i.e. cut flesh, put horn on and suck, if sore, or swollen, or snake bite; blood sucked out and <the person> recovers. Calf’s horn taken for this. If

a warrior has killed, he is entitled to wear amavenge.148 These made of heifer or calf horns - some pierced both sides, some sharpened.

Umsipa (sinew) - for a woman’s buckskin blanket (isidwenga), made from the skin of a duiker; izindondo beads are sewn on.149

9 Usinga fibres.150 For sewing women’s skirts (izidwaba). Is our cotton. Sew imitsha, loin-covers, izinjobo, and strings to hold isinene; all things sewn and worn are sewed with usinga, girls’ beads are threaded with usinga; headrings are sewn with it.151 Stronger than uzi.152 Uzi used for weaving sleeping-mats (amacansi), stitches (amaqondo) to put into izidwenga, izifociya belts or isibamba.153

The ox-tail (itshoba). Izinduna killed one another over an itshoba. Why did you cut it, seeing it is mine? They make imklezo, the great dress for the umkosi ceremonies.154 The white tails are the best, worn in front of chest and behind. Are twisted and slit - made like riems.

When dancing (sinaing) at a marriage men put on amatshoba, and they are worn on the forearm.

10 Yoyosa - limp; isiboto - a man who wears boots. He is laughed at at home by girls. ‘He likes isiboto’ - equivalent to ‘coward’.155

Hide (isikumba). Izidwaba - all are made of goat skins; shields (amarawu, izihlangu), cloaks (izipuku); uqoto, izinqoto;156 amabetshu (calves); sandals (amanyatelo).

Gall bladder (inyongo) - for the owner of the beast; he puts it on his arm. Poured on the sick person, who also wears it. Owner may put it on his child or mother.

Meat. Insonyama goes to the umnumzana; brothers will present it to the head, the head to the king. If brothers have many cattle, the head will eat all and not pass on, only take on his own cattle’s insonyama.157

11 Will give an ox to izikulu, not take the meat to bigger men, the ox to stand as insonyama. A man who does this may kill many beasts, not send insonyama meat, and send an ox to make up for all his omissions.

Insonyama not given to king, is beer. The king will not be jealous (rawukela) of the food of the people.

A man konzaing would pick out an ox of good colouring - enombala (nice one).

No cattle - milk - necessary to grind mealies like flour for baby’s consumption, then kama (sieve), come out like flour; mealies hard; gets old quickly, will have to be cooked, gather firewood more than before.

Meal goes off and becomes bitter; no dishes to keep it - necessary always to grind. With cattle no trouble - drink milk.

It is sick; it has amasi of the breast - lumps.

Released (kulula) when first menstruation.

Suckles till he can walk.

Addison says take away soon.158

12 All the country keeps 8 days for a boy and 5 or 6 for girl.

Kolwas now allow children to suck at once. I believe in this [says S.], no problems. We learnt from Europeans.

Amalaza - milk of cows not milked for a day or more. Children drinking milk after 8 days said to be drinking amalaza.

Mfusi, induna of Mavumengwana, suggested going to office, with hands behind head (twal’ izandhla) and crying out, say we are in mourning because of death of cattle from rinderpest - general devastation.159

Amanqina put around neck by warriors, i.e. the hooves - the bones sharpened into snuff-scrapers (izintshengula) and face-scrapers (isikwece) for mature men and old men, for scraping off sweat.

Amanqina are eaten last, on the 3rd day, custom; also rump (isinqe) eaten by the owner and his children.13 No one will come and ask for it. There are only two days for asking for a beast. A man who comes third day is given meat but is insulted (tuka’d) - disgrace. It is asked for on day of killing and next day. People who ask will eat as much as possible.

Colours of cattle160

red (ibomvu) - inhlamvukazi (not bomvukazi)

black (imnyama), inzim’ emnyama - nzimakazi (not mnyamakazi)

light brown (impofu) - mpofukazi

white (mhlophe), (mwasa - woman’s word) - mhlopekazi

nkone - nkonekazi, nkonazana

lunga - lungakazi

incu, inco - ncokazi

rwanqa - rwanqakazi, rwanqazana

mavovo - emavovokazi

waba (wasa - woman’s word) - wasakazi

ntusi - ntusikazi

mpemvu - mpemvukazi

the red uhlakuva or the red inala

the black uhlakuva or the black inala

14 nsasa (small white and black spots) - nsasakazi

mpunga - mpungakazi

ngwevu - ngwevukazi

nsundu - nsundukazi

hemu - ihemukazi

nala (lu hlakuva) - nakazi (hlakuvazi)

mdubu - mdubukazi

iqola - iqolakazi

mtsheko (stripes) - mtshekokazi

nzota (white and dark-brown (nsundu), large patches) - nzotakazi

maqandakahwayiba

maqandakaboloba

ntenjane - ntenjanekazi

cubu - cubukazi

mzondo (white and dark-brown (nsundu) spots) - mzondokazi

mdaka - mdakakazi

nyaluti - nyalutikazi

mtuku (Natal)

red inkone (iqwagi) - iqwagikazi

black inkone (inkone which is luhlaza) - inkone eluhlazakazi161

lufipa - ufipakazi

mqungu (Natal), ibidi (rungqu) - bidikazi (rungqukazi)

irwanqa which is like the stones at oNgoye (eli nga matsh’oNgoye)162 - irwanqakazi etc.

irwanqa eli zikala ze ‘miti163 - irwanqakazi etc.

kozi (as if ash has been poured on the muzzle and sides) - kozikazi

nhlekwane - nhlekwanekazi

mkolwana - mkolwanekazi

kolo (brown - mpofu, nsundu, like hammerhead bird) - ukolokazi

[See next page but one.]

15 Horns etc.164

nsizwa, ingudulu - nsizwakazi, ingudulu

isihleza - isihlezakazi

igodhla - igodhlakazi

mdhlovu - mdhlovukazi

’manqindi - amanqindikazi

ingxibongo (straight, long, sloping forwards) - ingxibongokazi mjwaqu (lean) - mjwaqukazi

magomboqo (horns curving inwards) - magomboqokazi, magomboqwana cengezi (outwards horizontally) - cengezikazi

siqongo (protuberance on head but no horns) - siqongokazi mgele (horns sloping backwards) - mgelekazi

siqengqe (horns sloping backwards but not so much, not so long) - siqengqekazi

indonya (star on forehead)

as big as an elephant (very large ox)

ihlabamvula - young ox with straight upright mkupulangwenya horns

ixope nge tshoba, ijoli nge tshoba - black or red with white tail

mqini - no tail

imfambele - teats don’t give milk

insengwakazi - large udder, good milker

isigqala - little milk giver

16 iklilati (white under neck, red or black) - iklilatikazi

umgqupane (stripes, red or black, passing by eyes) - mgqupanekazi

ilunga, iwaba, inco - best shields

imbungu - shields (amarawu) white all over, not carried by boys, only men.

24.1.1904

File 73, pp. 22-3.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga

22 A strange superstition may here be set forth: Look at the rough sketch of part of the inside of a hut here given.

It is against custom for anyone to sit or place himself or herself between the post (insika) marked A and the iseko or stone support (for imbiza or pot) marked B. Nor will anyone sit between A and the door of the hut H, though it is not so important not to sit there as between A and B. The reason is this: There are as a rule 3 stones in the fire-place C; of these, that standing at B is never taken away, although it may temporarily be placed on the edge of the fire-place or elsewhere in or near fire-place whilst the ashes are being removed.23 Stones DD may, on the other hand, be taken outside the hut. With the stone B is associated the idea of immoveableness, unchangingness etc., and so comes about the notion that any young man or girl who sits at the space between A and B will never be married, the girl will grow into an old maid at home, sought after by no man, whilst the man will be refused by every girl he seeks to make his wife. The hearts of those who sit opposite the iseko will become as immoveable as that fateful stone; they will donda or hold back, with the result already stated.

The dotted (imaginary) line from A or B to H (door) is known as emgulugulwini or emqangwini, also emnqweni. The spot F is known as emlindaziko.

So powerful is the superstition that people will not lean against post A or the iziko or fire-place.

The custom is still observed in Zululand and Natal; in the latter country, however, some young folks are beginning to ignore it on the ground that it is a mere relic of bygone days.

The inside space of the hut on either side is spoken of as esililini, ohlangotini.

[The above from Socwatsha and Dhlozi - inquiry suggested by a question from A. Lassak of P.O. Inhlokozi via High Flats.]

[Qalizwe says something about not sitting at E and turning back on door for fear of being accused by amadhlozi of being averse to their coming in.]165

24.1.1904

File 70, pp. 101-3.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga

101 Per Socwatsha, Dhlozi present.

Nozitshada ka Maqoboza belonged to the Nzuza tribe. Induna of the Dhlambedhlu regiment under Dingana. Was killed at the battle of Maqongqo by Mpande’s forces. Was a great warrior; he hlabana’d (took an active part in the fighting) as often as he went out. Was umnumzana as well as induna. Matshekane was his brother; this man died not many years ago. Belonged to iziGqoza; lived at Mtshezi (near Estcourt) with Mkungo.166 Had many kraals - these kraals now near Kwamagwaza under Chief Ndube.167 Nozitshada’s kraal may have been at eMpapala (Eshowe Dist). He appears to have had no issue.

Tshaka was not married. He was afraid lest he should have children who would grow up and then put him to death. He did not hlobonga or soma with isigodhlo girls but penetrated them (lala’d them pakati). If any of them became pregnant he would cause her to be given imxukuzo medicines,168 in order to bring about an abortion; if she did not have abortion she would be killed, for no girl was permitted to bear a child for him.

He is reported to have cut open a pregnant woman (some persons’s wife) to see what kind of position a child took up within her womb.

Many of the izigodhlo girls were killed on account of becoming pregnant by him.

The isigodhlo girls in Cetshwayo’s day were known as amaduka, these being stationed at Ondini - and were those girls with whom he himself cohabited.169

102 Tshaka killed his own mother. After her death he caused the whole country to go into mourning. Cattle were not allowed to be milked; where a gourd was found full of or with curds, all the inmates of the kraal were to be put to death; women were not allowed to become pregnant as no giving birth was allowed; hoeing was forbidden; where young maize plants were found inmates of kraal to be put to death; nor were wild vegetables (imifino) to be gathered. Tshaka said all have mothers to gather imifino for them, but who was to do so for him?

After a while a man Gala ka Nodade ka Mgutshwa ka Mutsha (Muntsha) ka Xoko (Ndaba), of the Biyela tribe, having made up his mind that he would be killed for so doing, went to Tshaka, finding him at his Bulawayo kraal, and acted as follows. He began by bongaing Jama, Senzangakona and Tshaka himself and then spoke to the king in these terms:

What are you killing your country for? Why did the uhlanga come forth? (Ikani ku dabuk uhlanga na?) Why are people dying because your mother died? When your father Senzangakona died, were the things done that you are doing? When your grandfather Jama died, were the things done that you are doing? Nkosi, put a stone in your stomach; we know that you have ‘died’. What will there be for you to rule? A chief from other lands will come and take your country, for there is no more planting and your people eat nothing. They do not bear children; cattle are not milked. (To put a stone in the stomach means to pluck up courage, be a man, etc.)

Tshaka at once showed his approval of these bold sentiments for giving expression to which Gala had expected to lose his life. He called his izinduna Mdhlaka and Ngomane and said to them: Give ear to this man. Here is one who fills (inspires) me with courage. What kind of men do you fancy yourselves to be? Mbopa, take a razor (insingo), shave my head and sew on my headring (by this time the ring, never dressed, had come to rest almost on his nose). He thereupon took two (2) cattle (oxen) and gave them to Gala to take home, saying, ‘You are a man.’ After this the whole country experienced relief;103 the men shaved their heads and sewed on their headrings whilst the women and girls shaved their heads and did up their hair. But no sooner did this universal mourning come to an end than Tshaka ordered an ihlambo impi to go forth to Pondoland and from thence towards Sotshangana.

Gala was afterwards killed by Dingana, for as soon as Gala got back from the Sotshangana impi, he expressed regret at Tshaka’s death and wanted to know who had been the cause thereof. It was for lamenting Tshaka’s death that Dingane had Gala killed.

Amongst stories told of Tshaka is this. As often as an impi returned from a campaign, the war would be discussed (xoxwa’d), and each time the names of the heroes would be the same as those in the former campaign. Tshaka found fault with these appearing to be his only heroes, accused them of standing before or in front of equally deserving men, and had them all killed to see if, after their death, he could be said to be without heroes.

29.6.1904

File 70, pp. 103-5.

Per Socwatsha. The death of Dingana.

Dingana’s troops were away at the cattle-posts (ematangeni) when the attack was made on him by the Swazis (amankengana). They succeeded only in stabbing him in the left or right upper arm - in front, apparently only one wound. They killed some of the isigodhlo but Mkabayi and others escaped. One girl was stabbed over the left eye (princess - was it Tikili, Somkele’s mother?). Dingana, after the attack, sent to the izinduna for that drug which was taken internally when a person had been wounded, to allay pain in the wound. A drug was mixed up with water and sent to the King to drink. He drank the potion. No sooner did he do this than his colour changed to a deeper hue, a perspiration came over him and in a short time he expired. The troops returned to find their king dead. One of the important men with Dingana, Lukwabiti by name - probably an isilomo, not induna - asserted that in the night attack he had severely wounded one of the Swazis and was of the opinion the man could not have gone far.104 Thorough search was made without success. Among the izinduna referred to was Ngceba; this man was called on by Mkabayi to take her and others, as well as the stock, to Mapita. This Ngceba did. Mapita seized all the cattle and some of the isigodhlo girls, whilst others had their skirts (izidwaba) stripped off them. In despair some of them took the wet hides of recently slain beasts and girded them about their loins. It is said a number died because of their having used wet hides and allowed them to dry on their persons.

It so happened that the king used always to carry about both antidotes and poisons, the latter for purposely putting people to death. Ngceba would have been among the indunas who gave the deadly draught. S. does not know if the izinduna intended to kill Dingana or whether they made a bona fide mistake.

The Swazis were heard to shout, ‘Kade ni si nxanele, nina ba kwa Sikiti [probably referring to Shaka, whose name this was - J.S.]; u nganti si bitwe i nina nati a si zo ni qedel’ inkosi yenu, i si ni katatile?’ ‘Long have you people of Zululand been asking a favour of us; is it then not you who summoned us to come and put an end to your king, a man who has tired you out?’ From this statement there appeared reason to think the death of Dingana had been purposely planned.

Ngceba’s father was Nodanga, of the Langa tribe. The above story was heard by Socwatsha recently from Ndube ka Manqondo ka Mazwana (Magwaza tribe).

Dingana tefula’d.

S. says Mapita was of such high rank that he used to address the ancestors (amakosi) with cattle in the same way that the king did. He, however, used to wear a large kaross made of oxhide sewn together when performing such religious functions. [Cf. my foolscap notebook (pink), 150, where underlined in red.]170 The king did not wear the kaross but others besides Mapita - men of high rank - also wore it and, like him, addressed the ancestors.

105 Zulu princesses as well as wives belonging to the Royal House - Dinuzulu’s, Somkele’s, Sokwetshata’s and one or two others - wear the isidwaba low down the loins. They tebisa it,171 so that the umnsisila or umsisila is seen, say 2 inches. i.e. the hollow leading from small of the back and dividing the buttocks. The royal house too have shorter skirts than the common people; they do not reach as far as the knees and, when seated, part of the legs above the knees is visible. Anyone looking would be asked what he was looking at.

A man who has suffered a serious wound (inkubele) is known as isingqekle.172 This term may only have arisen during the time of the Zulu war for it was associated with soldiers (European); at the same time it may be an old word. It might be applied to a man who has lost a leg or arm in wartime. When a man is wounded and escapes, the phrase is they have wounded (kubaza) So-and-so.173

<18.4.1905>

File 61, nbk. 60, p. 24.

Also present: Mkhehlengana kaZulu, Dinya kaZokozwayo, two others

24 Of <Nobanda ka Sogatshase>, Socwatsha [who arrived this evening, 18.4.1905] tells the following story. Complaints were made to Tshaka about this man’s extraordinary appetite, owing to which they had but little to eat. Tshaka thereupon

caused some hides to be laid out on the ground. On to them were emptied a number of gourds with curds in them, also those which had been set aside with cream in (to make into fat). Some of these latter had maggots in them. Well, all these too were emptied into the hides. Tshaka now called Nobanda and told him to bamba (set to). N. did so, going down on his knees to get at the curds. He ate here, he ate there until he could eat no more. He got up from the ground (for he had knelt down to get at the curds) with assistance of a stick. He did this with greatest difficulty, ... <continued below - eds.>

18.4.1905

File 62, nbk. 61, p. 1.

Also present: Mkhehlengana kaZulu, Dinya kaZokozwayo, two others.

1 <continued from above - eds.> ... his stick nearly broke under him. He moved off slowly in the direction of the stream nearby. They thought he was going to vomit. A watch was set on him. He found his way into the water. So great a sweat had he fallen into that he continued for some time to sweat in the water. It seemed as if he was going to die. Presently he belched and then again. The perspiration ceased. Eventually he got out and moved off homewards. Tshaka ascertained he had not brought up anything and was satisfied with the performance. Much to the surprise of all, Nobanda, finding the young men eating meat, joined them and proceeded to eat what came to hand. Tshaka, seeing this, gave in; he could do no more, the glutton had completely beaten and baffled him.

<18.4.1905>

File 62, nbk. 61, pp. 5-6.

Also present: Mkhehlengana kaZulu, Dinya kaZokozwayo, two others

5 Zanqika, Socwatsha says, <was> of Sikunyana’s people. He ran away from his own tribe (Ndwandwe) to Tshaka, then on his way to attack Sikunyana.174 T. asked him which impi he thought would get the best of it. Z. said that of Sikunyana would. T. increased the number of his forces and still Zanqika held to his opinion. Again augmenting took place.6 Tshaka then giya’d and whilst doing so his feather left his head, ascended a little, and fell to the ground, not however on to its side. It stood erect! That, T. said, was a sign that he should defeat Sikunyana. He now caused Z. to be put to death for trying to instil fear into his troops. T. then fought S. and conquered.

<19.4.1905, evening.>

File 62, nbk. 61, pp. 10-12.

Also present: Mkhehlengana kaZulu, Mkhothana kaZulu, two others

10 Socwatsha uses the following proverbial expression: So-and-so is up to no good; he has been caused to change by the soil; is he an uselwa gourd? (Uban’ ugangile, upendulwa umhlabati, u uselwa ini?) [Entered, Book of Proverbs.] It is a well known thing that the uselwa, if planted with the seeds of a fine, large marrow, brings forth small and insignificant marrows and vice versa - a freak of nature. This often happens, so a man who changes by leading an irregular life is asked whether he is not a man but a plant.

Socwatsha says the Dube tribe living at the mouth of Mhlatuze is probably a section of Qwabe [doubtful]. They live close to the reeds on the river where crops of mealies are procurable all the year round.11 Crops are also so obtained on the Mlalazi, and the Mhlatuze mouth is known as ohlangeni, i.e. the reedy district about there. Compare this with the legend of originating (dabukaing) ohlangeni and that of food having come from emhlangeni.175 The fact of food in such a district being procurable all the year round is to my mind extremely significant.

Among the foods obtained from the white people at Delagoa Bay are inyeza - a kind of sweet-potato (ubatata) - umoba (sugar cane), ukova (banana), and unyaloti (millet).

Tshaka caused sugar cane (umoba) to be planted in Mtetwa territory near the Izimfolozi rivers. In the umoba gardens no one could work who had had a nocturnal emission (tshaywa’d izibuko). He might not carry, hoe or weed, cut down or in any way deal with the cane. Any cane dealt with by persons so affected was consumed by the isigodhlo. The same rule applied as regards milking - any who had had a wet dream would refrain from milking.12 Then again, as regards the smelting of iron, Socwatsha points out that the amaCube people are the great ironsmiths. They still do a large amount of iron work, getting their iron to a large extent from Europeans. The custom of not working at smelting iron when one has had a wet dream is observed among them as among other tribes of Zululand. A man too who has hlobonga’d is disqualified.

A smith is isitando (esitandweni). A practice of the amaCube, if the iron will not properly weld together, is to secure some very dark-coloured stranger - must be dark -and use his umhlwehlwe fat (covering paunch) to mix with his iron stone etc., when the defect will be corrected.

<22.4.1905>

File 62, nbk. 63, pp. 12-14.

Also present: Maziyana kaMahlabeni, Nodwengu

13 Maziyana and Socwatsha. Nodwengu present.

Socwatsha says regarding the word ‘izimema’ [in Isaacs’ praises]:176 this word arises when a hunting party is out and one of their number succeeds in killing a buck; he would shout out, e.g. ‘Mamo, amaqandelo!’ (name of S.’s elder brother Godhloza, who inherited it from his father Papu).177 Those hunting would then all shout in reply, ‘Mam’ amaqandelo!’, i.e. echoing what the successful hunter has said. This hunter

would always use this form, even though he had only slightly stabbed the buck and it had run off, and he would always shout the name of his own principal kraal, but that of the principal relative, as Socwatsha does to Godhloza.178 This shouting back is known as an isimema. And if any of the party should be at a distance and hears the isimema he, if he belongs to the same party, shouts out too as the others did. A party in the course of a morning may shout out 4 or 5 izimema, and so two parties hunting might compare by the numbers of izimema shouted. And so isimema is an echo or reverberation and applies to shouting among cliffs.

Izaacs <sic> might have shouted, ‘Mam’, Isihlenga!’ (name of King’s establishment to which he belonged and not to Isinyama - Farewell’s).179

‘Jhi!’ is said by men who hear one of their number shouting, ‘Ngadhla!’, meaning he has stabbed one of the enemy. This then becomes the isimema.

Isihlenga is a reed contrivance for crossing people over a river - 2 going at a time. Crocodiles, says Nodwengu, never attack people on isihlenga although they float with their legs etc. as far as waist under water. No one who has bad medicine, who kills people or who has a child or relation who has died,14 is wise in using an isihlenga as he might meet with an accident. This is a superstition.

<23.4.1905>

File 62, nbk. 64, p. 5.

Also present: Maziyana ka Mahlabeni, Nodwengu

5 [Notes. Kip’ itshanatane, i.e. to cut as Pondos do, refers to bringing out the ‘badness’ (ububi) that he is born with, i.e. the bad blood (igazi elibi), so that it should come out of a person - not unlike the cutting of little finger by amaBomvu, amaTuli, amaNdelu, amaXolo.]

Socwatsha says that among his Ngcobo tribe children are still cut in little finger of left hand; he himself was cut but no mark now showing - simply at tip of finger -one cut, inside of tip and middle of it, length of cut ½ in. or thereabouts. Li ’cwatile, lite’cwe - perfectly clear, cloudless sky: this is when the cutting takes place, at dawn, just as the sun comes out. A person goes out early in the ordinary course and, finding the sky absolutely cloudless, says the child must come into the cattle enclosure as the sky is clear. The child will be cut with the mark of its people (ku yo hlatshwa umntwan’ uhlanga). This is spoken of as ingalati of our people, i.e. upawu, should anyone question what the operation is.180 The child may be held by its mother or near relation and be cut by some other woman of the kraal. A man not only does not cut the child but is not even present when the operation takes place. There will be a number of children present. The operator calls on the children to sing just as she is about to cut. They then start a song (umcayo or umvetsho - hlabelela) any kind of song will do.181 This singing goes on only for a minute or two. The cut is done with a knife. Formerly the little joint was cut off and the blood of child mixed with that of a man or

other grown-up person whose finger was already cut. This person would only be slightly scratched to draw blood from the little finger whose little joint had been cut from. Males and females cut the little joints. Nowadays males and females still cut but the little joint is no longer removed; the cutting is only as above stated. Cutting takes place when child 2, 3 or 4 months old and before it crawls.

Maziyana’s joint of little finger, left hand, has been removed.

S. says a child who has not had upawu cut will ease himself inside the hut, even though he is big enough to go out herding. This is the result of failure to comply with custom. Others will remonstrate and he will be cut.

<24.4.1905>

File 62, nbk. 61, p. 23.

Also present: Maziyana kaMahlabeni? Nodwengu?

23 The king has qunga’d (when he had taken medicines).182

To wipe the hoe (sul’ isikuba). Mpande was born at kwa Mahambehlala, the umsizi hut where Senzangakona ‘wiped the hoe’ after being doctored.183 Per Socwatsha, 24.4.1905.

<25.4.1905>

File 62, nbk. 65, pp. 14, 15.

Also present: Maziyana kaMahlabeni?

14 Impi of Lutshutshutshu (iduna in the Zulu country - do not know father, says Socwatsha).184 Mpande wanted to kill him. Fortress built at Fort Buckingham. Natal thought Zulus intended invading. This was about 1864.

15 Umqubula of Matingwane (of the Dhlambedhlu of Dingana). S. saw this - made of genet and blue-monkey skins - like Tshaka’s. (This umqubula was made at oZwatini when the umkosi was held by Manzini ka Magalela of the emaNgangeni people. Present chief Lokotwayo, pays tax Umlazi Division. Uzwati (hill) - uMdhloti rises there, also Tongati, Mona (enters Tongati), Insuze and Mqeku (enters Mngeni). Socwatsha grew up at oZwatini and married there. I went to Zululand to build just after Cetshwayo’s death, but had previously to it been a policeman under Sir M. Osborn at Inhlazatshe, having gone there because I thought as Yamela was induna I should be able to settle on land that would probably <be> given to Yamela. We first built at Kwa Magwaza, at eNsuze, where our old chiefs’ graves are. We are still at the same place. We are in the bush country above Insuze, close to where it enters Tukela and opposite Ntunjambili.

<25.4.1905>

File 62, nbk. 65, pp. 21-4.

Also present: Maziyana kaMahlabeni

21 Socwatsha goes on here: Matingwane was of the emaNgangeni people, son of Ndingiyana ka Mjila ka Samela, of Dhlambedhlu regiment. Was an inceku of Tshaka’s. He was actually present at Tshaka’s assassination. He had just been called by T. for some purpose <which he> did not have an opportunity of telling him about. He found amaMpondo talking with Tshaka. Presently Mbopa came out of Tshaka’s huts (Nyakamubi), carrying a number (itala) of Tshaka’s own assegais. He also had a stick. With this stick he went up to and struck one of the amaMpondo a blow. Tshaka said, ‘Mbopa, when did you begin to do this, to hit people as I am talking to them?’ Mbopa said nothing, passed behind Tshaka at a short distance, and as he passed, allowing sufficient time for the Pondos to escape,22 he dabula’d umkonto (kok’ umkonto - draw an assegai), and stabbed T. with it, throwing it. Mhlangana and Dingana rushed up and also threw, stabbing him. T. fell, a number of assegais sticking in him. He said, ‘Are you killing me, children of my father? What have I done?’ They left him lying. One asked what should be done next. A black ox belonging to T. and the Nyakamubi kraal was fetched and killed. It was cut open; they took out the stomach-contents (umswani) and smeared themselves with it and sucked it; they squeezed it out and spat it out. The gall had been previously sprinkled over the stomach-contents. Another black ox was got for the purpose of providing a skin for T. to be tied up in. At first Mhlangana suggested tying T. with strings and dragging the corpse to the Mbozamo where it would be thrown into a deep pool and be eaten by the alligators there. D. objected to this and said as he was inkosi he must be buried as such.23 It was then the ox was got, killed and T.’s body done up in it according to custom, after the assegais still sticking in the corpse had been extracted by the Nyakamubi people. The corpse was then removed to a hut in the kraal and as is usual was tied to a post, in a sitting position. The hut at night was occupied by relatives, including women but not those who suckled children. The funeral rites were performed by the Nyakamubi people. D. insisted he should be buried in a way that became his rank, as had been done to Senzangakona, Jama etc. I do not know if a hole was dug for him. [Maziyana says he was buried in an amabele hole in the cattle enclosure.] Ten of izinceku were buried (lahlwa’d) with him. One suggested that Matingwane should be killed but Dingane said it was no use killing a child before he had even become a body-servant (insila) of the king, one who carried things to the king,24 brought water, gathered firewood etc. Matingwane said he was then still a lad. He was one of Dingane’s first regiment. He could not understand what was being done when he saw T. stabbed. T. was seated on a chair when stabbed. D. sent men to fetch all Tshaka’s goods (izimpahla) from the amakanda in Zululand, for he had headbands, shields, girdles, cows’ tails, imiqubula, feathers etc. which he had worn -all these were burnt at kwa Dukuza.

After T.’s death Matingwane became Dingana’s inceku. He died about 2 years ago.

The body remained unburied until the things referred to had been got from Zululand.

Socwatsha says: M. said Mbopa was the first to stab Tshaka, not Mhlangana. Maziyana agrees with this statement, thereby contradicting Fynn.185

25.4.1905

File 62, nbk. 66, p. 1.

Also present: Maziyana kaMahlabeni

1 Maziyana and Socwatsha.

Socwatsha says Matingwane never saw his father. He soon lost his mother and escaped from tribe to tribe till he was captured by one of Tshaka’s izinceku. This inceku changed his name, but on Tshaka one day asking Matingwane what his name was and his saying Matingwane, the inceku directed that the boy was henceforth to be called Matingwane for fear of Tshaka’s displeasure.

When Mbopa shaved Tshaka’s head a basket (imbenge) was got to catch the hair as it fell, to be immediately covered over by a second one so that none should escape. And as often as during the tonsorial operations the king spoke, the barber would dart off to some little distance until the king had finished speaking, when he would resume his work.

27.4.1905

File 62, nbk. 66, p. 14.

14 [Socwatsha leaves early. Goes to Zibebu’s during next moon on own affairs. To get selected 2 good men on Zulu tribal affairs and bring by train. Will refund fares. Bring an extra boy. Will give S. £2 on his delivering them here.]

4.12.1906

File 44, item 22, p. 5.

Also present: Dlozi kaLanga

5 Causes of rebellion. Socwatsha.

When Bambata came there had long been previous talk. When poll tax proclaimed people became like wasps and said, ‘Let us die once (asife kanye).’

The dividing up of land in Zululand is another cause. We used to be told the Zulu country belongs to Cape Town (e lase Kiptawini). Object to private lands and high rents, especially men with many huts. Kolwa says, ‘They found us already

established here (ba fike sakile). This is where we were born and grew up. They have long coveted our land (nxanela).’

The poll tax is the nomtebe; this is the inkosi word; others are only izinduna. You are separating us from our children; they will no longer pay hut tax for us. They will not come back, for they abandoned their homes (ruzuka) long ago.186

We heard that Igobizembe is fighting.187

We then heard that we must make ready our weapons.

‘Must we go and stab our own people, when they say this is a very great matter that we have agreed to, even though we do not like it?’ This said by Nyamana ka Matanda (chief: Mfungelwa). <He> said to Mfungelwa. He took to Eshowe, where Boast tried and gave him 2 years.188 Nyamana was arrested with Ngqala ka Mbandamana ka Ndhlela. ‘You, Mfungelwa, take up arms; for our part, we will not go there. When you said that we should not pay it, you spoke the truth.’

‘We won’t arrest Bambata for he is helping us for refusing to pay poll tax.’ All the districts (izifunda) turned round in favour of Bambata.

Talking (ukukuluma) should not be bought (tengwa’d) - lawyers appearing in native cases.

Dhlozi: We are already in great distress (hlupeka ka ngaka); now we must pay tax for our children who furnish money for hut tax of their mothers and the children. When they pay it will give independence; they will say, ‘We too are paying tax,’ and we will then be as nothing (elubala).

This is the main reason and all of us said this: the white people are causing trouble (a ba lungu ba ya hlupa).

23.8.1907

File 66, item 9, pp. 1-2.

1 Notes on the recent rebellion.

Per Socwatsha.

I know nothing of the impi. Long have Natives been speaking of fighting. I looked on them as having had enough (suti), and simply speaking among themselves. As regards Bambata, people threw in their lot with him because the beer had been boiling for a long while; it had not been strained, i.e. they had long been in a discontented, surly frame of mind. Bambata arrived on the scenes when this beer had long been boiling, he came with a strainer (ikama) and strained it; it [ba, not bwa] was then drunk.

I used to think people were simply speaking amongst themselves when they spoke discontentedly, not because they had anything specially in view. For they had no plan how to begin, whereupon Bambata arrived with a strainer and they sizakala (gratified their desire). All people, especially the young people (abatsha), and old people, and women, were talking. The beginning of this talk arose several years after Dinuzulu’s return from St Helena and after the cattle had died off from rinderpest.189

The talk became specially marked when the land in Zululand was cut up; after the cutting up of the farms the Poll Tax act was proclaimed, whereupon the talk increased (qina). People began sending to Dinuzulu. Fighting almost began at the proclamation of the Poll Tax, for all over the country people demurred at having to pay. There are 16 chiefs in Nkandhla Division. These all agreed to refuse to pay and were prepared to be imprisoned in a body. They had sworn (funga’d) to one another that they would refuse. When the time came it was found that only 6 had failed to bring up their ‘papers’ [Hut Tax receipts], but the other 10, without informing the 6, had brought their papers, which fact indicated willingness to comply. The six were sent to Saunders at Eshowe.2 The Hut Tax receipts had been called up to ascertain how many young men were in each kraal and what persons were to be exempted. Others, in the meantime, had sent off messengers to umntwana to say, ‘It is said we must pay Poll Tax on account of our children, but our children have to find money for our Hut Tax. We don’t agree to this, seeing that we also have to pay Dog Tax’. Dinuzulu then said, ‘I have paid. Pay the poll tax (imali ya makanda); there is no fault (ka kuko cala). Should anything occur it will come about of its own accord. Whatever happens will happen of itself. Thank you for telling me. Keep on doing so; keep me informed of what comes about, what you object to’. After this all the country paid. All the chiefs of Zululand were unanimous in refusing to pay but when Dinuzulu paid they all concurred. The six had not heard of D.’s paying, but when they got to Eshowe they agreed to pay and were sent back. [These were Mmiso ka Matshana, Mapoyisa ka Mbuzo, Mlokotwa ka Mpumela, Ndabaningi ka Sigananda, Macwaneka ka Ndube, Tulwana ka Nozaza.]190

25.8.1907

File 66, item 9, pp. 2-10.

2 Before the Nkandhla fighting began, but after Bambata had actually entered the forest, Sigananda and Bambata sent 3 men to Meseni.191 After being informed, Meseni cita’d (sent in all directions) his own men about Natal. Had not the Bobe fight occurred when it did, the impi in the forest would have assembled and become numerous. The messengers went about to people about the Colony who were already predisposed to fighting (against Europeans). Many, in Natal and Zululand, used to send messengers to Dinuzulu. Others sat on the fence in order to see if the saying was true that bullets would not enter. [Qubile - ‘sat on the fence’.]192

Bambata began by seizing cattle at Esitilo (hill in Mfungelwa’s ward, Eshowe District). These cattle belonged to Ndube and his Magwaza people, i.e. those who deserted (ambuka’d) and went off to the Government at Eshowe. Bambata also pillaged all the stores (amavinkili), viz. at Esibudeni, Ntingwe, Mfongosi, Tugela 3 (Ndondondwana drift - Newmarch’s), Ezilozini (Ntshebe). These are the stores I heard of.

The Esibudeni store was looted by B. prior to our running away but after we had ceased to be in a settled state (zinza) and were prepared to move off at any minute.

We, people of Ndube’s tribe, before B. arrived in the Nkandhla forest, knew that the Native people in general were demurring greatly at having to pay the poll tax. We

first heard the cannon in Natal in Mapumulo. A man arrived who told us that Ngobizembe was angry and was fighting because he was averse to paying the poll tax. He said they had entered the bush country (ihlanze). This man was a member of Ngcolosi tribe at the place of the people of Hlangabeza. He said an impi had been armed (hlomisa’d) by Government - Mpezeni’s and Nyakana - but the other chiefs are angry.193 This man said, however, that Mpezeni’s and Nyakana’s people said they had thrown in their lot with the Government as a ruse so that they might be given guns, and when so given they would turn on the Government and kill the Europeans. The action of Mpezeni and Nyakana was, in consequence of this, generally approved by the Natives. I was with Nolala when this man spoke thus. We asked him what the Ngcolosi people said to this. He said, ‘We too are angry, very angry.’ Presently another man arrived from Tshange tribe and said that Mfungelwa’s people were arming. This had been done by Saunders’ orders and, besides Mfungelwa, the following had been told to arm: Mtonga, Mgandeni, Sikonyane, Ntshingwayo, Lokotwayo.194 These had been ordered to cross into Natal and fight against Ngobizembe and assist the Government. Mfungelwa armed his men, but Nyamana ka Matanda, Ngane ka Manepu, Ngqala ka Mbandamana, Mahlatini ka Sotshangana, Mtinzima ka Ngqokwana and their men (amadoda) said, ‘Never will we stab our own people.’ Mfungelwa then ran off and reported to the magistrate’s office that his people refused. All these were thereupon arrested. Mfungelwa was directed to fine them as he saw fit.4 He fined them very heavily: each man (commoner) had to pay a beast; the headmen named were each fined 6 head, and so over 100 head were got -nearly 200. We then heard that there was more fighting at Richmond (Lishmana). It was this fact which caused people to be angry and eager to fight, i.e. the hearing that hostilities were breaking out in various directions.

The stories that arrived were often nonsense (amanga). For as regards the Richmond impi it was said the police (oNongqayi) went to demand the Poll Tax, the Native Chief, however, concealed his impi and he himself went into hiding, leaving only a few at home. The Europeans came, with a Sergeant, whereupon those at home began the fight, for it was the plan that the few at home should begin, and then a numerous body which was hiding came out of hiding and clashed with the Europeans and polished the lot off. The only one who escaped went and told the authorities in Pietermaritzburg what had happened. Then the European forces armed and went. The Embo people and the Kolwas were said to have slept at the edge of a forest, and others where the road emerges. Those at the entrance kept concealed, and refrained from attacking for those in front to do so. This took place, whereupon all were wiped out. This was done in the Richmond District.

When people heard these things they rejoiced but I used to say it was nonsense.

At Eshowe, Sikonyana’s (ka Luhleko) people also refused to go and fight. [Saunders’ old man.] Sikonyana merely arrested(bopa’d) Fokoti - he took him to Eshowe where he was tried and sentenced to six months. [Nyamana.] When Sikonyana collected his people and told them to arm, Fokoti said, ‘What do you mean by telling us to go across into Natal? You do not know how to talk of war (xoxa impi). Why not tell us to go and lie in wait at Gingindhlovu and when Saunders runs off to Durban let us attack and kill him off?’ Sikonyana had F. arrested. He was given

by the magistrate 6 months and 25 lashes.5 His headring was cut off and no sooner was he allowed out of gaol than he died. Fokoti had expressed surprise at being arrested, especially as others had been let off. S. said the reason for arresting him and not the others, who were ordinary Zulus, was because Fokoti was inqelebane (an inceku of the chief, one liked by the chief - the favourite inceku - Saunders). I spoke to Fokoti after he had been charged but before his trial. I asked him if he had said this; he said he had and he had done so because the Zulu people (uZulu) was all angry, and the Europeans were troubling us. He asked me if I was not in trouble. I said No, I am not living on a farm. I do not have to pay poll tax. I am living well enough (ngi ya busa nje). Your father Mantingwane died. You got your influence in Zululand by reason of Saunders’ help; your father Mantingwane was not known by the Zulus.

Mantingwane, of the kwa Hlope people, of the eMangangeni. He belonged to Esinyameni kraal (Ogle’s, Wohlo) and was an induna. He was a hunter (ipisi); he killed elephants, buffalo, eland etc. with a gun lent him by his master.

I heard that Bambata refused to pay Poll Tax, that he would not come in when called to do so by the authorities, that he would fight and then run away to take refuge in Zululand. The amaNgcolosi (Hlangabeza) wanted very much to fight against the Europeans. It was from them that I heard of Bambata’s intention to run into Zululand. There are some of Ngcolosi people under my chief Ndube; these used to visit their friends in Natal and tell us what they heard. Some of them joined Bambata, also Makabelas - there is no chief from whose tribe people did not break away and join Bambata.

I heard the cannon at eNgome. [This was on Saturday 7th April - J.S.] On the Sunday, while it was still dark, very early, Ndubeproclaimed (memeza’d) that his men should arm.6 I was close by and went at once to Ndube. I then saw Mshudulwana ka Godide ka Ndhlela, a policeman of Colenbrander,195 who said Ndube was to arm his impi and go and arrest Bambata who was at eKotongweni; he has killed 2 Europeans in Mpanza and one wounded. The cannon you hear in Mpanza is because Europeans are fighting with him. Manqanda told me, this man said, to arrive here on Saturday but I was afraid of going through this country at night.

We armed the same day and went to eKotongweni. When it got to eTulwana (stream - flowing from Macala) the sun went down. I did not accompany it. They heard that Bambata had crossed at eKotongweni, and was in the Nkandhla - those who were in front (of Ndube’s people) and at Manyane stream heard that Bambata was not at eKotongweni but in Nkandhla. They then all came back home, getting back at dusk.

I had been sent off by Ndube to go up the Insuze and listen to anything I could hear. A woman told me [where?] that Bambata was in the Nkandhla;196 he was at the place of Mmangwana ka Faku (on Sunday), and Nombika ka Mfelafuti was also there. [It was on this Sunday that Nombika saw the gun which Dinuzulu had given Bambata. Nombika afterwards told me this, i.e. that he spoke to Bambata and B. told him about the gun. Nombika is still living.] After this I went to Nombika to try and see if what I had heard was true. [Where?] When I got to Nombika, on this same Monday, I told him I was going about listening to affairs of the country. I told him of

our impi having gone to arrest Bambata at Kotongweni. I then asked him to inform me of anything he knew.7 He then denied knowing anything (landula’d), saying he knew absolutely nothing. He was really concealing something. I then pressed him (gudhla), but he persisted in refusing. I kept on and then presently asked a very pertinent question, showing I knew something. He then told me, as I was an older man (indoda, ndodana). ‘Early yesterday morning, Zinqume, a man of Ndube’s tribe who had gone to court the girls at the place of Mpumela at the Manyane (he was not in our impi - as away at time it was called out). Zinqume said he had slept at Jobiza’s, of the Xulu people (at Macala, east side). [How far Jobiza’s from Mangati’s where Bambata slept?]197 Whilst asleep, a man called out who said, “Arm! Head for Kotongweni.” [Where did calling-out go on at?] It was still dark. A youth went out and said, “What has happened?” The answer was, “The cattle are finished. They have been eaten by a lion.” Question: “Where does it come from?” Answer: “We too do not know.” Question: “What are we to do with it?” “Why don’t you go to Manqanda and the Europeans who have guns, who will fire on it and spill out its brains?”’ All this time they believed it was a real lion. As a matter of fact it was a lie. Bambata himself was at the kraal where the shouting came from and he is the one who had directed this order to be called out. The magistrate’s order had been sent by this time to Mpumela,198 for Mshudulwana told us he had been there. But the magistrate’s order had probably not reached Jobiza’s at that time. Zinqume was then left sleeping and the other youths went to where the order had come from. The youths had told him to remain where he was, as he belonged to another tribe. It was very early, about mpondozankomo time.199 One youth came back and said, ‘Is the man of the Magwaza people still here?’ He said, ‘Yes’.8 He said, ‘Come here. Hurry.’ He still had on his blanket. He said, ‘You see the impi there, coming down the hill; there are 2 companies (viyos) of them. ‘Where is it from?’ Zinqume asked. He said it was Bambata’s and had come from Esilungweni.

Zinqume then went off home and on his way called at Nombika’s. Nombika then asked, ‘What ridge did he come down? He said, ‘He came down the eNsimbini’ (name of Mmangwana ka Faku’s kraal, the ancestral one’ - wo ku zalwa - of the Emacubeni people). Nombika then went to Mmangwana’s. When he got there he found Bambata’s impi bivouac’d at the gate of the kraal, with fires burning, and eating the meat of the beast killed for them by Tshelela ka Godide at the drift opposite Kotongweni.

He found Bambata with his people. He, however, passed and went straight to Mmangwana’s hut. As soon as he got in Mmangwana said, ‘I am glad you have come (u col’ ufike). A strange event (umhlola) has taken place; come and explain it to me.’ He said that Bambata had arrived at his kraal from Mpanza where he had fought with Europeans and was wearing their beards in his izincweba bags.

Nombika would have gone in any case to Mmangwana’s as they live close to one another and there was beer on that day. M. was busy sweeping the hut; he said he did so as he was about to call Bambata in.

Bambata then came in with his izinduna Mgombana and Mkamangana. Nombika said, ‘What is it, Zondi?’ Bambata said,9 ‘Thepoll tax!’ (‘Imaliya makanda!’) D. went on to tell him that the cannon they had heard was directed at him but he had long

escaped and was at Kotongweni when he heard it. The Europeans were simply firing at the forest.

Bambata then said the cause of all this was the Poll Tax. He said, ‘I crossed the river and went to Dinuzulu.’ D. had asked him if he had courage (isibindi). B. said, ‘Nkosi, I have courage indeed.’ He then said, ‘Here, take this gun, a magazine rifle (umagazini).’ He also gave him Cakijana and an Msutu, a doctor who had medicine to cause bullets not to enter.200 This Msutu was a teacher (umfundisi). D. said, ‘Go and set on the impi; kill and cut them open (hlinza), and don’t remain there whatever you do, but run into the Nkandhla forest to Sigananda my grandfather, who will show you Dhlaba’s stronghold (inqaba). I too am coming; we shall meet there. I am coming with my impi.’

Bambata then pointed out that not one of his people had been killed, whereas he had succeeded in killing the Europeans, whereupon he pointed at the beards he had sewn on to his izincweba.201

He then called his people who had been scratched by the thorns, during the flight, etc., and pointed to the marks, saying the bullets had caused them but had been unable to enter. The medicine given him by the king’s doctor was medicine indeed.

They then took their beer and then left. Bambata then left with his impi, went up the Nsuze river, and went to Simoyi ka Mbango of the Emacubeni chiefly house (wo ku zalwa), and who lived at eMome.

Mmangwana and Nombika sent to Sihlonono ka Matambo and Simoyi to say that this man’s arrival should be reported to Sigananda, for Dinuzulu had entrusted him to 10 Sigananda. Mntumuni ka Matambo ka Dhlaba was then sent by Mmnangwana <and> Nombika to Sigananda.

I then went home to Ndube. I got back on the Monday and told Ndube. I returned before all our impi had got back.

On Tuesday [10th April], very early, Fulatelicala, one of Colenbrander’s police, came to Ndube to say the impi must return and go to Nkandhla where B. now was. On Tuesday [10th] N.’s impi armed, a larger impi than before; it armed about lunch time. Ndube said I and Mzanywa were not to go with impi as he wanted to send us with a message.

Mzanywa and I were told to go to Colenbrander to say the impi had armed and to say where it was. Our impi encamped at the Nkunzane and kept to the Bobe ridge. We slept with our impi. When I got to the magistracy I found it being prepared for defence. Saunders then sent for me immediately. [Saunders arrived 9th.]202 I gave Ndube’s message.

Saunders said we were to go back after we told him Ndube’s impi was 5 companies (viyos) strong. He said the impi was to stay there and not to come into Sigananda’s ward until Mansel the umqati came.203

I told Saunders then that Bambata was in the Mome. Saunders said Sigananda had told him Bambata was not there but had gone on to Dinuzulu.

I went home. On the Friday [13th], at night, I heard from members of our impi that Bambata had emerged from the forest.

The Government order was that Sigananda’s tribe, as well as Ndube’s (Magwaza), were to arm and catch Bambata. Sigananda then said the impi was to

form a semi-circle and be sprinkled with intelezi medicine. His and Ndube’s then made a semi-circle, then Bambata approached with 2 viyos, the other impi opened the gate and he entered. This was evidently a plan - kept secret among the older men (amadoda). Bambata then burnt a little of his medicine. A big smoke came and went up into the sky.

26.8.1907

File 66, item 9, pp. 11-14.

11 Muntumuni ka Matambo ka Dhlaba, of the emaCubeni people, was sent to tell Sigananda Bambata had arrived. Muntumuni went to S. to say B. had arrived, that he was to be shown Dhlaba’s stronghold and that Dinuzulu was coming. Muntumuni also said to S., ‘It should not be that you do not report Bambata to the authorities, so that he may be tried.’ S. said, ‘How is it, Muntumuni, that after being sent to me by the amadoda to report B.’s arrival, he being a man of Dinuzulu’s, yet you go and advise me to report (i.e. send me somewhere else or to do something else) his arrival to the Government authorities. Go and do so yourself.’ M. agreed to go but said he would first go to the men who had sent him. He went back to the men, and returned to the umnumzana Sigananda and asked him to give him a man to go off to the Court House. S. gave him a son (a mature man - kehla) of Nongogo ka Mnteli. They then went off to Colenbrander. Muntumuni reported to C. as above. C. said go and tell Sigananda to arrest Bambata and bring him in. M. said, ‘I know Bambata; I was once a policeman at Greytown. B. is simply a madman (uhlanya), who goes about stealing the cattle of white people, escapes, is imprisoned, comes out, and does it again.’ M. was given assegais and a coat at the Court House. He then went off to bring B. in. He went to Sigananda. He then told S. what C. had directed. But S. blamed himself for having sent Muntumuni to the Court House. He said to M., ‘I know nothing of Bambata; I have never seen him. You suggested going to the Court House to report; it is all your affair; you’ll have to produce Bambata and give him to the authorities, as you reported having seen him. You saw B., told me, and then went off and reported to the authorities, although I had never even seen you. It’s all your affair entirely.’ Muntumuni was then placed in an awful dilemma. The amaCube gathered because of him and made a plan about him. After M. had gone off to the magistrate, the amaCube spread the talk (relelana’d) amongst themselves; they repeated what Bambata had told them, namely that he had come from Dinuzulu who had given him medicine to prevent bullets from penetrating into their bodies.12 They felt they had found the opportunity (ibaxa) for fighting with the white people. For Bambata arrived among them when the beer had been boiling for a long time, and so B.’s coming gave them the very occasion for beginning to fight for which they had for long been on the look-out.

Muntumuni went back again to the Court House with failing strength, for the amaCube had met him with contemptuous words, saying, ‘Who told you to go and report?’ When he said that the umnumzane (S.) had sent him, S. said, ‘I never sent you.’ M. then went to the magistracy, taking back the coat and assegais. ‘Where is Bambata?’ ‘It is not known.’ ‘But you came here to report he had been seen, didn’t

you.’ ‘Yes,’ replied M. ‘Did you not see him?’ ‘Yes, I did.’ ‘When S. sent you to come and report B. had arrived, was not B. with S.?’ ‘No.’ ‘Where was he, then?’ ‘I saw him when he arrived; he was then on his way into the Mome. It was then I was sent to report to S. his coming; I was sent by the men.’

Colenbrander then sent police to Sigananda. Muntumuni was detained for some time. S. said, ‘I know nothing.’ He said he was at the Nsuze, near the Mome. The European impi was then called to arms (hlomisa’d), and Ndube’s and Sigananda were hlomisa’d.

When Bambata was still at Kotongweni, Ndube’s and Mpumela’s men - not Sigananda’s - were armed and told to go after him. Mbuzo’s may also have been armed.

Muntumuni then returned to his kraal. Nkunya, Nguna and Mgqibelo were sent to Sigananda. Saunders was then at Nkandhla.13

Saunders said to S., ‘We have now heard the word of Muntumuni. Who was it who told Bambata about the stronghold of Dhlaba?’

Muntumuni went back to his own people, joined them, and with them joined Bambata. He became worn out from the hard words which were said to him.

Ndube complained of the mistake made by Colenbrander in calling his men to arms and sending them after Bambata. If they had not been called up then, and had waited till European forces came, there would not have been so many rebels in his tribe. For what happened was that they saw Bambata and, instead of opposing him, threw in their lot with him and so increased his power.

This talk about fighting the Europeans has long been indulged in, including in places like Durban and Pietermaritzburg. In Durban there was even talk to the effect that each boy should kill his own master. The various white people who are in touch with Natives in the Borough will admit having heard this. Many of the Borough Native police were killed as rebels in the Insuze battle, as well as at the Mome.

The people all felt that Dinuzulu himself would really join in the fighting; their war cry (isiga) was ‘Usutu’ and their chants (amarubo) are those of the Zulu. The isiga ‘Usutu’ belonged to Dinuzulu, no one else. As for instance Ndube’s people - the Magwaza ones - were the first to cry, ‘Usutu’; their natural one was ‘uRwebede! Ubisi lu ya yeya impupu’ - always keep wet.204

AmaCube people said, ‘uPindo’; they used ‘Usutu’ for first time. The Ntuli people say, ‘ uDidi! Mabebase!’ Usutu for first time.

The Natives in general all felt that the whole of them would rise.14 They never anticipated any would throw in their lot with the Europeans. Now they blame themselves, finding trouble come on them whilst others simply live well (busa).

All the country used to talk (xoxa) about fighting. Things moved backwards (ba hlehla muva nje). The Maqadi umuzi - so I heard from Tulumana - was nearly destroyed, like that of the Nyuswa. It was saved by Jemuse, a Kolwa (Jim Dube), well educated. He has a newspaper, where boxes are made. This Kolwa showed Mandhlakayise, and he took it to Mqawe.205 Mqawe threw it away, not knowing anything of writing. All he knew was what he heard - from Dinuzulu.

People of Zululand became apprehensive when Saunders was laying off farms. They then sent to Dinuzulu.

Muntumuni was afterwards shot whilst running away in the Mome valley. He was not in the Mome fight. He was ascending the mountain when fired at by the Europeans. Many shots were fired but he still went on. Presently a European took Mfungelwa’s gun, fired, and Muntumuni fell. He rolled down and down, bounding as he fell, until he reached the bottom. When examined it was found he had no less than seven wounds!

27.8.1907

File 66, item 9, p. 14.

I find the boys in Zululand all calling themselves by the names of Dinuzulu’s regiments.14 The practice has sprung up spontaneously.

Usutu. Gence, Manzolwandhle, Mnqandi.206

6.9.1907

File 66, item 9, p. 15.

I forgot Msweli ka Ngoni and Ncwadi ka Sigananda who, after Muntumuni’s visit to Nkandhla, also went there to say Bambata was in the forest and was being hidden away in the Mome by Sigananda.15 Sigananda thereupon heard they had been to make this statement, whereupon he sent and had Msweli’s cattle seized. Ncwadi had no cattle, he being S.’s own son. Msweli’s cattle were numerous and were black izinkonekazi. Msweli followed after them and arrived after Bambata had come out of the forest and had effected a junction with Sigananda, Ndube, Mpumela and Mbuzo’s people who had been ordered by Mr Saunders to arrest Bambata (only Sigananda and Ndube were at first so ordered but some people of the others joined without orders and threw in their lot with Bambata). When Msweli got to the Cube people and had come to fetch his stock they reproved him with having gone to Saunders to report, adding that Bambata had been sent by Dinuzulu and that Dinuzulu had supplied drugs which made it impossible for the bullets to enter. He, Msweli, thereupon turned rebel and joined them, whereupon his cattle were given back to him, one however being killed because the stock had trodden on the place of the king (Cetshwayo). Bambata’s temporary shelters were erected in the vicinity of Cetshwayo’s grave.

A number of others had their stock seized so as to make them join; this stock was returned on their taking up arms and joining the rebels. Mapulangwe and Beje, members of Ndube’s tribe, each had their stock seized but killed a huge ox and a cow among Mapulangwe’s and a large ox among Beje’s.

4.8.1908

File 35, item 9, pp. 1-11.

Also present: Qalizwe kaDlozi?

1 War. Narrative taken verbatim from Socwatsha ka Papu (Ngcobo).

When the king is going to make war (hlasela), the impi is summoned, with the call, ‘To arms! (Kayi hlome!) ‘ A man calls out from the hills, saying, ‘The order is “To arms!”’ When the people hear they take up their war-shields (izihlangu). When the man calls out, ‘The impi must be complete by tomorrow,’ they proceed to eat for the journey and to grind up snuff. But the important men, those who are in charge of valleys (imifula), the great izinduna, are told at their homes. Messengers (amanxusa) arrive to tell them that the king says they must call up the impi, so that it is complete by a certain day. Some go off to the king’s inyanga who sprinkles the impi with intelezi medicines. They are not called out to from the hills, for the abanumzana are told at their homes; it is they who are told to take up arms. The impi then takes up arms. The izinduna come and report on it to the king.

They do so as soon as they arrive with it.2 They come up valley by valley; the men from each valley arrive together. They arrive singing (ruba), and proceed to giya. They salute (kulekela) the impi. They cry, ‘Is it war, Nkosi?’ The king replies, ‘I have said! I have said! I have said! (Ngati! Ngati! Ngati!)’, so even a small child knows that wau! it is war indeed! The king then apportions them cattle to slaughter. He then asks the great izinduna, ‘Is the impi now complete?’ They reply, ‘It is complete, Nkosi.’ He then orders it to divide up into its amabuto. It proceeds to do so. The inyanga then pounds up izintelezi medicines, and sprinkles the men. Then a beast is slaughtered, a bull for doctoring (nqwambisa) the impi. It is not killed with an assegai; it is caught and killed by hand. It is then cut up into long strips of meat (imbengo).3 These are smeared with medicines and roasted. The amabuto then come up in their sections (izigaba), there in the king’s cattle enclosure. Strips of meat are taken and thrown among the men of the iviyo; this is done for all the amaviyo. As the throwing takes place, men seize the strips from one another; each takes a bite, and another seizes it. He bites off a piece but does not swallow it. He chews it once and then spits it out without swallowing. Everywhere the men are catching at the meat. As soon as one catches a piece he takes a bite and throws it to another man, until all have done so. The strips of meat are many.

At dawn the next day they go to vomit (palaza) with intelezi medicine. At dawn the day after, they go to palaza at the river. The chewing of the meat takes place on a single day; the ukupalaza takes places over several days. It is said that their sleeping-mats are removed by this intelezi medicine, for some of them are married.4 And those who are not married have been chosen (qonyiwe) by girls.

The king then inspects (linganisa) the impi; he assembles it in the cattle enclosure at his home. He says, ‘Let the impi discuss war; let the men challenge one another (qomana).’ And so this is done.

The ukuqomana went like this. A man would say, ‘I challenge you, So-and-so.’ For instance, I might challenge this man Qalizwe. I would say, ‘The day we meet the enemy, Qalizwe, I will surpass you in fighting.’ Then Qalizwe would go forward and giya, and say, ‘So, Socwatsha, you will surpass me? The day we meet the enemy, it will be I who surpass you.’ Then he would say, ‘Look Socwatsha, since you say you will surpass me, I put forward (beka) my part of my father’s house (umuzi ka baba wa kwetu). You can take it all; it will be yours.’ I would reply, ‘What are you saying? Are you saying that I am discussing fighting with you? Truly, Qalizwe,5 I

will surpass you when we meet the enemy.’ If I do not have my own umuzi, if I have older brothers in my house, then I put forward my own self (isidumbu sami). I say, ‘If you surpass me in fighting, you can take me as your menial (umfokazana); I will be the man who closes the gate at your umuzi.’ Then I too will go out and giya.

All the men would challenge one another in this way. A man who was a chief son would put forward the umuzi of his father. One who was head of the left-hand house (ikohlo) would put forward his side of his father’s umuzi. One who had no umuzi would put himself forward.

When the whole impi had assembled, the izinduna would report this. The impi would then be sent out to form a circle (umkumbi). The circle would be like this.

A small opening would be left where the two horns of the circle met, i.e. for the commander (umnikaziyo), whether the induna or the king.2076 The induna would say, ‘Here is the impi; I give it to you. I shall hear, assemblies of the king! Here is a love-charm (intando), for you have long been saying that the king is refusing you. Today the king is showing his love for you. Here are great imizi, for a warrior who fights well will have a great umuzi built for him. Who do you suppose could overcome you?’ (The man they were going against would be named.) ‘I shall hear, assemblies of the king.’ Then he would give praise to the former kings of their place, the amadhlozi. ‘I shall hear, assemblies of the king.’ He would give praise to each one, saying, ‘He ate up So-and-so.’ He would give the names of the other kings whom he had killed.

There was no giyaing there; they hadgiya’d while they were challenging one another.7 While the praising was taking place, while he was declaiming praises before the impi, the old women of the place, those who no longer bore children, would come forth with brooms.

Then he ordered an opening to be made in the circle, in the chest (esikoxeni, esifubeni), where the two main sections (izibaya ezikulu), the main section of the uhlangoti, and the main section of the isibaya esikulu came together. The isibaya esikulu section is on the right hand; the uhlangoti section is on the left hand. The uhlangoti section is of the ikohlo.208

He ordered an opening to be made where the two izibaya ezikulu joined. He then began with the horns, first with the horn of the uhlangoti of the left-hand side. Now he was ordering it out to war. He called out, ‘Let the So-and-so go out!’ and those companies (amaviyo) would go out in a long column. He called, ‘I shall hear, assemblies of the king.8 Here is the impi which I am giving you.’ They went out through the opening and then returned, passing close by the king and shouting out, ‘War! Nkosi, we salute war (si kulukel’ impi).’ Then they started off, going through the opening and shouting, ‘Ngati! Ngati! Ngati!’

He then returned and told off more men from the uhlangoti (for those who had gone out first were the vanguard - ikala). And so it went on, with all the sections (izigaba) being called out by name. He would come back and call out, ‘Let the So-

and-so go off,’ and off they would go. This went on until he came to the isibaya esikulu of the uhlangoti. This was after all the men from the right-hand side, together with its horn, had gone off. After he had sent off the horn of the isibaya esikulu, he sent off the isibaya esikulu of the uhlangoti.9 He sent it off in its izigaba, all in a long column. The sound of their footsteps was so loud that a man could hear that they were setting off; even if he was in a hut, and could not see them, he could hear them, for they were running. No sooner had the king called out, ‘Let the So-and-so go off’ - the Ngobamakosi, say - than the Ngobamakosi would be off. They would sound their cry, ‘Hoho! Mbani we zulu!209 Hoho! Mbungela!’ They went off at a run. They finished by shouting, ‘It is war, Nkosi! Ngati! Ngati! Ngati!’ Some of them stared the king in the face, close up to him, and cried, ‘Nkosi, you too will hear of it when we have gone to battle!’

This went on until the isibaya esikulu was completely finished.10 This was the ugcinalitshone ucibigoje [noted in Bryant, Dictionary] of all the kings.210 There is no king who does not have the ucibigoje. Even the king against whom the impi is going has it. He too sends out (paka) his impi as we do here. They too discuss war and challenge one another. His impi too is sprinkled with izintelezi medicines by his izinyanga.

Then cattle are apportioned for the impi to drive with it. Some were for eating. But these cattle would not be finished, the ones which they would slaughter and eat on the road while they were advancing. They were called Ugibiqolo; they would come back. A sharp watch was kept to make sure that the ones in front were eaten, and that when the men returned the cattle had not all been finished. They did not dare to slaughter all the cattle which went out with them. The order was, ‘These are the cattle which will eat up the cattle of the enemy, the amankengana.’11 They called the people whom they were attacking ‘amankengana’ and ‘izita’.211 They too said the same; both sides said the same.

5.8.1908

File 35, item 9, pp. 11-23.

They too would drive other cattle like the ones mentioned.

When the impi was sent out to attack a certain king, he would not know of it. It would take him by surprise. It would say, ‘Let us surprise them, while they are unaware. They will get a shock from our arrival. We will seize their king, kill him, and eat up his cattle. His impi, instead of being angry and strong, will lose heart (dumala) when it hears people say, “The enemy (abafo) have killed our king.” It will be demoralised (jaba) and lose hope.’

For among black people enemy forces do not tell one another that they are now coming.12 They fight by surprising one another.

If one king heard that he was going to be attacked, he would summon his own impi at once, in haste, before the arrival of the impi that was coming to destroy his country. His impi would arrive with its weapons, and he would warn it,’ The impi of another king, So-and-so, is coming to attack our place. He is coming to eat up our cattle.’

They would keep watch for it, for they had heard it was coming. By the time it arrived they had already sounded the alarm to one another, saying, ‘To arms!’ The people would run away, driving their cattle out of the way, all the cattle of the area (isifunda).

13 All the men had taken up arms and had come together; they came together at the umuzi of their king. They were told, ‘There is an impi coming.’ They too would hold a council of war (xox’ impi), and would issue challenges to one another in order to work one another up (tukutelisa). They too would wager with one another (bekelana). They would wager their imizi, calling, ‘I challenge you, So-and-so; I will surpass you in fighting when the time comes. I will stab many men, more than you, and surpass you. If you surpass me, you may take my umuzi.’ He would include even his sisters, two or three or four of them. ‘You may take them as yours if you surpass me in fighting.’ This ‘sharpened’ the men and made them angry. They would be provoked. While the impi was still assembled, and challenges were taking place, they would say, ‘Ha! There is my umuzi.14 I wagered it with So-and-so when we were challenging each other in the assembly, in the cattle enclosure. I said that if I do not fight well, he will take it as his. And he has made the same wager. He will have to give up his life (a zi del’ amatambo) before he can take the umuzi of my people.’

Each of the two would be strongly concerned about what the other was doing, because they did not fight in one place but in different places. Each would hope that after the fighting, if he survived, he would have witnesses from among his people.15 For in both places some people would be killed in the fighting, while others would survive. The survivors would look out for one another. They would say, ‘Ha! So you are really here.’ They would ask about others, and look for them. A man might see someone whom he knew, perhaps a relative, or his brothers. He would ask, ‘Have you seen So-and-so?’ The other man might reply, ‘O! I have seen him. He is dead; they stabbed him. But So-and-so is alive.’ They would find out about one another, about who was dead and who was alive. Those men of the impi who had survived would then assemble. They would discuss the fighting. A man would come forward and say, ‘As for me, we fought at such-and-such a place.’ Then warriors would come forward and say,’ As for me, I was in the start of the fighting (umhlanganiso).’ He would then number the men whom he had stabbed.16 He would number them by their shields (izihlangu). These izihlangu had various colours, like the colours of cattle. He would say, ‘I came up to an umfokazana who had an isihlangu esinco and stabbed him and left him on the ground’ (to say ‘umfokazana’ is the same as saying ‘inkengana’). ‘I came up to an umfokazana who had an isihlangu esihemu and stabbed him and left him on the ground. I did the same to a man who had isihlangu esiwaba, and to another who had isihlangu esibomvu, esintusi, and to another who had an isihlangu esilunga and who was wearing an umqubula.’212

Then So-and-so and So-and-so came up (men of his people whom he had seen; he mentioned them because he had seen them; there were many of them).17 He said, ‘But there are others that I don’t know about. The men fighting were all mingled together; there was great confusion. I could only see what was going on in front of me for I was busy protecting my head. The fighting ended when I had stabbed a

man with isihlangu e si lunga.’ Then the izinduna would ask, ‘When you were driving the enemy back, when they were retreating, which of the people of your place did you see?’ He would reply, ‘I saw So-and-so,’ and would proceed to name them. But he would miss out some who had been there. Then others, those whom he had named, would testify to what they had seen. Then others still, whom he had not seen, would testify.18 The fact that he had not seen them was caused by the fighting, for when the battle started the impi of our people and the impi of the enemy became mixed up. A man could not see all the people of his place; he could see some on this side and some on that side, but not all of them. For his eyes were mainly on the enemy in front who were trying to stab him; although he constantly darted looks to this side and that, it was only for a brief instant. His main attention was to the front. The looking from side to side was done to check that the men of his place were still full of rage and still advancing.19 If he saw that they were running away he too would turn round and run away. If he saw that they were advancing, he too would advance.

If they prevailed, if they drove back the enemy, they rejoiced greatly; they became ‘harder’ (qinisa). They also dealt with one who emerged as a coward, one who remained at the back even though at home he had been brave. They would stab him without meeting resistance (gwaza ibece);213 they would stab him from behind, in the back. They would chase the enemy and carry them as far as the Mngeni (from where we are), until they were stopped by the setting of the sun. They would then make camp, and eat, and sleep. Before dawn they would be sent on; they would continue to pursue the enemy and stab them.

It would happen that those who escaped from the fighting would be killed during the pursuit.20 The pursuers were able to catch up with them for they were in an exhausted state. They were killed, even though they managed to escape from the place where the fighting began.

Alternatively, the impi could drive the enemy away from where the fighting started, and then leave them. In the case where the impi pursued them without letting up, they would make a determined search for their king. But the king might have escaped. They would realize that the king had not been present at the fighting; that he had told the izinduna to give the order for the fighting to start. He had sent his izinceku to find out what had happened and had been told by them, ‘It is your impi which has run away, which has been overcome.21 Run away, Nkosi! The enemy are coming here; they are searching for you; they are going to kill you.’ For our kind of warfare is not like that of the white people. When they capture a king they imprison him. Among us, the man who first sees the king will shout, ‘Here he is!’ and stab him to death. His impi will not be there. It will hear by report that ‘We have killed So-and-so.’ It will ask, ‘Is this true? Which section (isigaba) has been killed?’ ‘It is the isigaba of So-and-so which has been killed.’ ‘Who was it who stabbed him?’ ‘He was stabbed by So-and-so.’ (The one who had stabbed the king was referred to by name.) Those who had seen him do it were summoned. They came forward and said, ‘We saw it. He is really dead.’ ‘Is it true that he was stabbed by So-and-so?’ ‘Yes, Nkosi.’ Then cattle would be apportioned to him and an umuzi would be built for him, for he was a great warrior.22

The impi then ate up the cattle of the king who had been defeated, all the cattle of that country. Then it seized people, including children and women. We warriors would seize children for ourselves, but the cattle were for the king. Goats were said to be isangcobe or upata (like amabele which are poured into a pit and become mouldy and rotten.). Cattle were ‘umtata’ (when it is sown).214 Those cattle were the king’s.

Then the whole impi would assemble and the war would be discussed, as on the day when the impi had assembled and the men had challenged one another and wagered their imizi and their sisters. Now witnesses came forward to say, ‘I saw So-and-so fighting fiercely at such-and-such a place.’ Another man might come forward and say,23 ‘I fought fiercely,’ but not have any witnesses to what he had done. He would lose his wager ... <continued below - eds.>

6.8.1908

File 35, item 9, pp. 23-36.

<continued from above -eds.> ... for telling falsehoods, for no one came forward who had clearly seen him fighting fiercely. [Is the lost bet paid?]215

The king would now make presentations of cattle to the great warriors and the izinduna and the abanumzana. Some earned reputations for fighting by telling lies.

When they arrived before the king, some of the great men, whose warriors had fought well, would tell lies about the fighting. They would claim for themselves the achievements of ordinary men (abafokazana). They might say, ‘I was in the forefront of the fighting, there where the battle began. I stabbed a man with a shield of such-and-such a colour,’ referring to the colour of cattle, for there are many colours of cattle.24 He would say, ‘I killed a man of the enemy who had a shield of such-and-such a colour, and, again, I went for another one and left him on the ground. Then we drove them back; we stabbed them as if they were melons; we swept them away, Nkosi.’ Then other great men like him came forward and said, ‘Yes, Nkosi, So-and-so is speaking the truth. We saw what happened.’ In this way they suppressed the achievements of the ordinary men. This was because the king did not know these men; they were at the back of the circle (umkumbi); they were not under the eyes of the king. This was even though they had been in the forefront against the enemy, for when the impi was being prepared for war they had heard the king say, ‘I shall set up an umuzi even for an ordinary man who distinguishes himself in the fighting. His name will become known and rise up; his fame will spread; it will resound; for he came to the fore in the fighting.’ Some men, then, were held down by their own fathers.25 Another might be more fortunate (u ne dhlozi); they would make his deeds in battle famous. The king would hear that he was a great warrior; they would make him famous, as the king had said. He said, ‘Here is a sign of favour(intando). You said that I would refuse you. I shall set up an umuzi for you.’ He too would become great; he would be the equal (funyanisa) of those great ones who had cast him down.

An umnumzana who suppressed the achievements of his people was able to do so because the king was not there in the battle; he did not see what went on; he was

told by those who were there. While some were winning fame, other ordinary men remained timid; they showed too much respect for their fathers, thinking, ‘It will be he who brings me to the attention of the king.’ He said, ‘I shall be brought forward to the king by him.’

Others were not shy, when they heard their feats being hidden, to come forward and giya before the king, speaking out and crying tears.26 Such a man would come forward from the rear, cut through the great men, and appear directly in front of the king. He would say to him, ‘I did thus, at such-and-such a place. I attacked one of the enemy, who had a shield of such-and-such a colour, and left him on the ground; then I attacked another and left him on the ground.’ The izinduna there would try to keep him back; they would beat him and drive him back to the rear. But the king had heard his words. He would call off those who were beating the man and telling him to go back because they wanted to ‘bury’ his deeds. He would say to the izinceku, ‘Call him; let him come forward.’ The izinduna might still be beating him but he would refuse to go back, and the king would see that this man of his was a brave one.27 The man would say to the izinduna, ‘You are driving us back when we want to come to the king. What did you say when we were in the forefront against the enemy?’ Then he would tell the king everything that he had done in the fighting. He would give the names of the people of his place whom he had seen while he was fighting, and others whom he had seen fighting. He would say, ‘At such-and-such a place did I not see So-and-so, and So-and-so, and So-and-so? Did I not stab So-and-so at such-and-such a place? Did not So-and-so finish off a wounded man at such-and-such a place?’ All remained completely silent as they listened to him. Then the men he had named were called forward. They told the same story as he had done; they agreed emphatically with what he had said. Then the king said, ‘So you are burying the deeds of my warriors?’ He called out the man’s praises, and said, ‘Dance (dhlala), So-and-so.28 I have heard of your deeds in battle; they will resound.’

Others were afraid to do this. Their feats would remain hidden, even though they had fought fiercely. Their feats had been ‘eaten up’ and snatched away by others, as when a man is the first to stab a buck and it is then killed by others, who deny that he was the first and claim it for themselves. When he points to the blood on his assegai they say, ‘It was another one that you stabbed. It has run away; go and find it. This one is ours’. And that is the end of it.

After the king has heard all the reports on the fighting, he makes presentations of cattle to the men of the impi, and sets up imizi for them. This setting up of imizi means to present them with cattle.29 For the cattle will increase in number, so that when he marries he will take many wives. For in those days one did not lobola with many cattle, and a man would still set up a large umuzi.

The next day the impi might go out again. Again he would fight fiercely, and again he would receive cattle. He would then set up a large umuzi. When he was telling the story he would say, ‘I got this great umuzi of mine in battle (ngesihlangu), through fighting for the king. The king saw that I was a fierce fighter.’

In the country where the the king made war the impi seized many people. They seized the women of the place, together with the girls, and the children, including boys. Only those who had hidden escaped. A man would seize people for himself; they would be his; he had got them for himself; they were not for the king. What went to the king was the isigodhlo.30 The man would take as wives the women that he wanted; the others he might marry off to his poorer brothers. He would also take wives from among the girls whose mothers he did not marry. He would marry others off to various men and they would lobola them with cattle. These cattle would be his, for the women were his by right of war (be si hlangu), by right of force (amandhla). Some of the women would be ransomed with cattle by their relatives, one woman with one beast. For it is the custom (umteto) among us that when people are seized in war their relatives can ransom them with cattle. In addition, when the women whom he marries off to his poorer brothers bear children, they will be his; they will be his people by right of war. The same would happen when another impi went out.31 For it might happen that a king of another people (uhlobo), one who did not belong to the people of the king who had been defeated, might rise and overcome and kill the victorious king. For even though he had been victorious, there were others who were stronger than he. For among black people war was fought with cunning and through surprising the enemy. Whenever the impi encamped, there would be scouts (izinsaba) in advance. They would cross one another’s paths; some would be returning while others would be going forward. As soon as they sighted the impi of the enemy they were going to fight, the scouts (izinsaba - another name for izinhloli) would return to inform their king.

It might be that a king did not go out to war; his impi would be commanded by izinduna.32 It was only Tshaka who made war in person. Other kings handed over the impi to izinduna. Tshaka saw who the cowards were, and who the warriors were, for he saw for himself on the spot. Since black people originated (dabuka) from the sprouting of their shields, there was no chief who would overcome others and tear them to pieces. One would defeat another, and in turn would be defeated by this other one. For among us black people war is not declared; izimpi seek to surprise one another, to hide from one another, and to surround one another. When the enemy has been seen by the spies, the commander of the impi would order his men to eat; they would then advance during the night and take up position so they could encircle the enemy at dawn, at the time when the fowls begin to stir.33 They would take the enemy by surprise, but perhaps find that they resisted fiercely. They would fight at close quarters; their shields would clash together and their heads would strike together. The men of both sides would charge forward. A man who stabbed many might in turn be killed by others. It was like this on both sides; men fought with assegais at close quarters; their shields rubbed against one another. Men of one side might retreat, then men of the other side, with many being killed; the number of dead was equal. But those who were running away were killed in numbers, for the others stabbed them in the back while they were running away.34 Then they shouted, ‘We have driven them away.’ At some places warriors who had fought successfully the day before might be killed; some would survive; some would be killed.

Others would besiege the enemy in a stronghold, in a bad place. Those who were coming up might not know the stronghold well; it was the stronghold of strangers. The occupants knew all the entrances and blocked them, and pushed the attackers down bad places. They stabbed them and completely finished them off. At another place the occupants of the stronghold might be killed. A wise king would say to his izinduna, ‘My men are up against the enemy (amankengane) in a stronghold. Do not go against it; it is a bad place; you will all be killed. Go against them when they are in the open and not in their stronghold.’35 Some might not obey, and would go against the stronghold. Others would set a trap with cattle. They would conceal their men, with only a few visible, and drive the cattle into the open. The enemy would be attracted by the cattle, and would go out to capture them. Meanwhile the commanders had placed their impi in a good position, and when the enemy were rounding up the cattle it would rise up and attack them. It would seize the cattle and scatter the enemy. Another impi, with wise izinduna, might be told, ‘Do not be lured by cattle; cattle carry danger.’

The amaSwazi resisted (ukutiya) the Zulu people in strongholds, until the coming of the English. Even Tshaka was never able to enter the stronghold of Sobuza; nor were Dingana and Mpande able to do so.

Hamu ka Mpande resisted in his stronghold at eNgoje; he resisted the Usutu of Cetshwayo.36

<28.8.1909 - evidence given 27.8.1909>

File 59, nbk. 32, pp. 34-7.

34 Socwatsha speaks [see also p. 42].216 [Cf. with Mtshapi ka Noradu’s version, pp. 25, 26 of his nbk., 3.4.1918.]217

The rectum of Ndhlela (umdidi ka Ndhlela). This name of a particular group of people arose in this way. After the Boers had defeated Dingane he fled north with his forces, whilst Mpande crossed over into Natal with a large section of the nation (ukudabuka kwe goda)218 and gave his allegiance to the Boers. By way of testing his loyalty, the Boers directed Mpande to go forward and attack Dingane. This M. agreed to do, the Boer forces following. Mpande’s forces came upon Dingane’s at Maqongqo (Magudu). Those of Dingane were commanded by Ndhlela ka Sompisi. Dingane gave Ndhlela orders that when attacking Mpande, for whom D. entertained utter contempt, he was to send forward the whole to the attack. Instead of doing this, Ndhlela held back a large section, directing only a portion, including the Dhlambedhlu, to attack right and left. One of the horns repulsed that part of Mpande’s army opposed to it, whilst the other horn was overcome and driven back, resulting in a doubtful issue.

This enraged Dingane, for he felt Mpande was no match whatever for him.35 He accordingly accused Ndhlela of spoiling (onaing) his impi as being partial to Mpande whom he was desirous of seeing made king, for Ndhlela had in the past favoured Mpande, as Dingane now called to mind. Dingane gave the order for Ndhlela’s death there and then; needless to say, it was carried out.

Finding that Mpande was prepared to be loyal, the Boers now took command, and Dingane, who had rallied his men, again sought to engage what he thought were Mpande’s men, but discovering that they were now commanded by those who carried guns (isitunyisa), he retreated on to the uBombo, where he subsequently died.

Mpande, now master of the situation and a protege of the Boers, assumed the government of the country. He began at once to seize the cattle belonging to those who had joined Dingane, for they had not removed their families.36 Many of the fathers of members of Dingane’s forces had remained with their families, stock etc. In consequence of these tactics, those being attacked in this way broke away and fled into Natal where they were called umdidi ka Ndhlela by residents of Natal, notwithstanding that Ndhlela was dead. [But see Mtshapi ka Noradu’s version, of 3.4.1918.] The name arose out of their being adherents of Ndhlela who was Dingane’s great and powerful induna and who had been the means, when he was in power, of harassing others (then in Natal) to flee for their lives. The opprobrious epithet, therefore, was applied to them by people who had several years previously been injured by the very man who, being dead, was unable to protect his well-known adherents. [This account will have to be checked, having been written from memory, 28.8.1909. (See p. 42).]

Mali (an old man from Mr. Speirs, near Howick), at present here, aet. about 88, Dhlambedhlu (Mpande’s), was one of the umdidi ka Ndhlela.

Zulu Regiments.37

Zodhliwa of Nzuza tribe

Dinuzulu’s	Mavalana
	Hayelwengwenya
	Dakwaukwesuta
	Felapakati - Ngubokakundhlase
	Mbokodwebomvu
Cetshwayo’s	Falaza - mat carriers during Zulu War Uve
Mpande’s	Ngobamakosi
	Kandempemvu - Umcijo
	Indhluyengwe
	Nokenke
	Mbonambi

Mxapo

Dududu - ‘inkunz’ emavave’ (the bull with sharp, pointed horns, the bull of Tshaka)

Dhloko

Indhlondhlo

Tulwana

Mzwangwenya, e.g. Mpumela

Amatshitshi

Zingulube

Mdhlenevu

Ndabakawombe

Bongoza ka Mefu of the Ngcobo people.219 [Lunguza says Cebekulu, vide p. 32.]220 Ndhlela was killed at Emagudu - a shower (itala) of assegais [see p. 42.] uNozokozwayo - dog.

Among those of Dingane’s impi killed at eMaqongqo: Nozitshada ka Maqoboza, Sonsukwana ka Gqwatshaza, Mngwazi ka Makobosi, Nonguba ka Makobosi (uDhlambedhlu), Mvemve o si yoto.221

Matunjana ka Sibaxa of the Emankwanyaneni people and Ncagwana.

Came along the ridge to Mpande.

100 heifers - Mgungundhlovu burnt then.

Madungela - a ridge at the Mamba, long ridge stretching to Tugela.

Maqonga - Mfanefile’s store.

Udhl’ umhlanganiso - the first to stab in battle.

29.8.1909

File 59, nbk. 32, pp. 38-43..

38 Socwatsha says [written up after conversation; compare with Sivivi’s statement, 27.2.1907 (see small pocket book),222 also Mtshapi ka Noradu’s account, 3.4.1918]: Dingana was desirous of killing Mpande so he directed Ndhlela to send messengers to him with 100 heifers as a present. On getting a present from that king, Mpande would naturally come and bonga, when the opportunity for killing him would be seized. The messengers selected for the purpose were Matunjana ka Sibaxa of the eMankwanyaneni people and Ncagwana. Ndhlela, however, did not want to see Mpande killed, so he saw Matunjana privately and told him to go off immediately and give him a scratch with his fingernail, warning him not to come and bonga for the coming heifers but to flee, as the intention was to kill him. The messengers drove off the cattle from the Mahlabatini district in the direction of Madungela ridge, running from near Fort Yolland (Mfanefile’s store) down to the waggon-drift, Tugela,39 on which ridge Mpande was then living.223 When a short distance from Mpande’s, Matunjana told Ncagwana that he wanted to pay his sweetheart a visit so he went off during the night, not to his sweetheart, but to Mpande, to whom he at once gave the

warning. As soon as Mpande got the warning he prepared to go. [4.9.1909.]224 Matunjana returned the same night to rejoin his companion, whereupon the two drove on the cattle, but when they came in sight of Mpande’s district they saw people making off with their property, stock etc. towards Natal. Matunjana asked Ncagwana what this meant, seeing they were just about to deliver the cattle. Ncagwana could not of course explain. The only thing to do was to go back and report what had happened, viz. that Mpande had crossed over into Natal. Dingana decided to send after him.

40 Now it so happened that Nzobo, alias Dambuza, had been in the habit of issuing orders for the destruction of people and reporting his action to Ndhlela. Ndhlela asked him why he did not report to the king. Nzobo said, ‘You are inkosi,’ the king is the izulu. This seems to have got to Dingane’s ears.225 On the occasion in question, as a man of importance had to be sent to interview the Boers in Natal, Dingane directed Nzobo to go. Nzobo thought the mission of such importance that Ndhlela himself should undertake it, but Dingane pointed out that, according to Nzobo’s own showing, he was the induna, for Ndhlela was an inkosi! Nzobo very reluctantly eventually yielded. When he got to the Boers he was recognized by Mpande’s people as one who was in the habit of killing off others, whereupon information was secretly given to the Boers to the effect that he was the real cause of Piet Retief’s party having been massacred shortly before.41 The Boers then took and bound the man to a waggon wheel and, setting the wheel in motion, he was crushed to atoms.

As regards Matunjana, when he got back with Ncagwana, he went on at once to Ndhlela and told what he had done. Ndhlela then designed that Ncagwana be charged with having given Mpande warning that Dingane had it in mind to kill him. It was accordingly intimated to this effect to the king, whereupon Ncagwana was forthwith put to death.

In after years Matunjana was much beloved by Mpande, who gave him many presents of cattle as a token of gratitude for having saved his life.

The foregoing incident is the true origin of Mpande’s flight into Natal and what is historically known by Zulus as ukudabuka kwe goda.

42 Ndhlela’s death (per Socwatsha). [See p. 34.]

This man was put to death by order of Dingane. This took place at Magudu. The reasons were: When the battle of Maqongqo was about to take place, Dingane directed Ndhlela to allow the whole force to attack Mpande instead of divisions thereof going forward at different times. Ndhlela contravened Dingane’s instructions by keeping back a large division, with the result that the issue was doubtful when it could have been decisive. Dingane accused Ndhlela of having done this by way of favouring Mpande, for whom he had long shown feelings of partiality, especially when Dingane thought of killing him and Ndhlela advised the king to leave him on the ground that he was an idiot. Dingane thought Ndhlela’s object was that D. should be defeated in order that Mpande might succeed to the throne.43 The order was that Ndhlela was to be stabbed in such a way that he did not fall, and that was done by hundreds of assegais being simultaneously hurled at him and these stuck in and about him in such a way that he did not fall flat to the ground as men do. He may have been sitting at the time; if so, he died in the same posture.

17.12.1909

File 66, item 8, pp. 1-5..

1 [Sent Tanner large part of these notes 17.12.1909.]

Zulu regiments (per Socwatsha).

One induna is appointed for 2 or even 3 companies. Sometimes one induna for a company (iviyo).

The ipini of the induna: each induna has ipini.226

An isilomo who is not an induna eats with indunas and he will afterwards be appointed induna.

I want to appoint izinduna - the big izinduna come together. I want smart, observant boys, and get angry (brave). The indunas will then recommend and nominate the said izilomo. For the king does not know them and must depend on the izinduna. King says call them for me to see. They are called. The king sees them.

They go back. Then it is said, ‘Let them take up arms.’ They take up arms - enters the cattle enclosure iviyo by iviyo and all get in. They form a semi-circle (umkumbi). They all this time are singing and chanting. They may be stamping on the ground and dancing (sinaing). The king keeps looking out, observes those nominated by izinduna. The king is seated with a batch of izinduna. The induna is told to quieten them. They then stand up shields and peta - be at attention. Be absolutely silent.

Only one induna, one voice (pimbo), will speak - who has words that penetrate (abukali), who does not go off the point (pambuka). He has a loud voice. All are silent. The induna says, ‘The king is going to appoint the son of So-and-so,’ and then mentions his name. ‘He is appointed to such-and-such a section (isigaba).’ When this is done they are from their various amakanda. They are appointed with reference to the various amakanda.2 ‘You, So-and-so, are the induna of the place of So-and-so, in the house’ (referring to an induna who was superior to him in rank - regimental procedure, not only for cadets), even though, as a matter of fact, he has his own company of men (ixiba).

These new appointments vary, some great, some small, and others appointed to succeed just like our officers and non-commissioned officers. They advance by smartness and eventually become induna of the umuzi.

Some were appointed because of high rank, some because of mere smartness. If any man of rank not smart, the smart one might be appointed.

No iviyo used to be exercised separately. If anything to do, the whole regiment would go to cut branches. A pole, a bush, a wattle - one each of these; say two wattles. Where they lay them down equal to a load of many waggons. They all throw down and pass on.

They would cry, ‘Rejoice, brother-in-law (umlamu) of the induna. We are returning there.’ His ‘brothers-in-law’ plead, i.e. let off his favourites who said they had diarrhoea (huda’d) or were ill or disinclined.

They were greedy and disputed over food - snatched from one another; even that one had succeeded in carrying off would be snatched from him. The izinduna intervened by severely assaulting the boys.

Whilst skinning, men would be appointed on guard with sticks - no knives - to strike any greediness. Some would be rendered unconscious.

The throwing of assegais (cibaing) learnt by buck hunting. No special training in this.

Will enter to take part in the dancing (sinaing), for girls have come with food.

They want to be looked at. They push one another about - pushed this way and that when trying to get a place. ‘I have put on my finery (vunula’d); why should I be behind?’

3 No restraining (kuzaing) of amabuto - merely sent out (paka’d) impi to fight. No training in military exercise, only the beating they got when fighting over food.

Whilst klezaing they are dispersed among the imizi. When grown up they have a kraal built for them specially.

They were known as Ingobamakosi of kwa Gqikazi and of eMangweni and of ekuBazeni and of eSiklebeni. But they all belong to Undi and spoken of as such although stationed at different kraals.

Mbonambi had <its> own kraal, Mdumezulu, i.e. at kwa Mbonambi, at the place of the people of Mtonga. Gqikazi, Mbelebeleni, eMangweni.

Ngobamakosi had kwa Ndhlangubo kraal of their own.

Some izinduna are older than the regiment, some younger (only when succeeding fathers), some as old. An induna younger than regiment may be appointed as successor to his aged father who is induna, but only a smart son would be chosen, not necessarily the oldest or heir.

Ifa ini? - ivelo - i.e. a man is chosen by merit.227 A man <is> not elected to induna merely because of high birth, but for smartness.

He has bongela’d, i.e. shot up, grown up quickly, quicker than others, i.e. butwa’d with mere boys, has remained behind to be buta’d with those younger than himself.

The reviving (vusa) of old imizi which were diminishing in size, i.e. Tshaka’s kraals.4 Mpande etc. revived old kraals, dying out. Cetshwayo especially said he wanted Tshaka’s died-out kraals to rise again (vuka).

C. said the country (izwe) had died in Tshaka’s day through wars, so that people became mingled together (xubana’d). The Pietermaritzburg man went to Durban and vice versa. C. said all were to go back to their own homes.

C. would ask who the former occupants of the old, dying-out kraals of his, C.’s, father were, and then tell them to gather themselves together (qoqana) and go back there to revive the kraal. This is done to rule (busa) by raising up Tshaka’s kraals to the same extent that Tshaka had <illegible>.

They begin as youngsters to fight - learn fighting. At klezaing they hit one another, are organized by age, and these have their izinduna. Work will be set, and 2 regiments go out to work, to cut trees, to hoe (with shoulder-blades and ribs of cattle - few metal hoes). The amabuto are always quarrelling over seniority in age. The older ones say to the others, ‘You are boys.’ The latter say, ‘We are not boys; we are as good as you are; we could beat you in fighting.’ The izinduna also urge (cija) them on. Each would say to his boys, ‘Will the boys of such-and-such a place ever overcome you? You would be cowards if they overcame you.’ They would say they would never be beaten. ‘We would beat them and catch So-and-so’ (giving name of

their great induna). The induna will say, ‘They too say to one another that they could chase you all off and catch me.’ They would then start bragging as to what they could do.

5 These are the ways.

War is also xoxwa’d. When war imminent, all regiments are called in order of age (ngo kwelama kwawo) and told to xox’ impi. Xoxaing is to challenge one another (qomana), i.e. one regiment says, ‘We will fight them and drive them back.’ Others come forward and say, ‘We will fight better than you.’ All this is education. The xoxaing lasts a day. But not xoxa’d at the same time for many regiments. Too many regiments may be called up to finish challenging one another on the one day, for many challenges (izinkani) may be contested by the first lots.

A bad commotion (utuli) arises in xoxaing - like civil war; mediation needed.

The Ngobamakosi and Tulwana showed disrespect (eyisa’d). C. liked the Ngobamakosi; called it imbenge yami yamafundo. Ku ya hlafuna ku zinkobe na?228 When with their wives.

‘If you can surpass me in fighting, I will be your underling (umfokazana), the one who closes the gate at your umuzi. I bet (beka) a girl of my house (intombazana ya kwetu).’ If he is betting with an inkosana he puts his whole house forward. This angering anyone.

The great warriors were xotshisa’d by the king - given food; others get nothing. Those looking on, they form a firm resolve to improve. The group (isitebe) of izilomo - all called together.

One man fought very fiercely; he was an igagu.229 But he is ‘eaten up’ - although brave in war is poor self-advertiser. One ‘eats’ the fighting of another, i.e. claims he fought it.

He claimed to be in the umhlanganiso, i.e. the first man to stab one of the enemy. He is a very great warrior.

Qakuzana - fencing.230

They stab ibece melons (ba gwaz’ ibece), i.e. in retreat. Ibece - bare backs.

I ‘ate up’ that country (Ngadhla lowombuso) - a man does it through his own strength.

21.2.1910

File 30, item 17, pp. 6-11..

6 <Superstitions.>

Socwatsha, 21.1.1910.

Most kill the spider (ulembu), poisonous, enter ear.

Hammerhead with the tuft, bird which turns the doors; the umtakati of important matters, who reports good and then reports evil. If goes over kraal, shouting ‘Ke!

Ke!’ a girl will marry at the kraal or a boy will be chosen as a husband. If sits on hut or on post of the fence of the cattle enclosure, that is a bad omen (umhlola); means some person will die at kraal. They, knowing this, go to doctor and then break off izintelezi medicines, and sprinkle them about.

The hammerhead is sent by an umtakati; must be warded off (punga’d);231 sprinkled at doors of huts, beneath the fence.

Broom; one carries a pot with intelezi; sprinkles on the huts and on the ground in the yard, outside the main gate along path for some way. Do the sprinkling at 5 or 6 p.m., about sunset, or very early before sun rises, two only engaged in business. Udekane, idhlula (so as to dhlula) grows on the cliffs.232 I have idhlula at home. Mpunyu, so that it will punyuka (in bush country). Mpindamtshaye, to go back and beat the umtakati who sent it (in forests, like the imzungulu).233

Brooms - those for domestic use, but again used, not thrown away.

Umabope which ties up (bopela) imihlola (a praise-name) - for war, bad omens and other purposes; found in forests and on cliffs.234

Izindiyandiya (ndiyazeka, i.e. be at a loss as to where to enter).235 Umaqunda (i.e. to prevent - qunda - the sickness from entering).

All these are izintelezi.

Branches and roots are used of the izintelezi.

Idhlula leaves used, roots etc.

Ugqamamaweni - another intelezi, also unkungwini, insulansula, i.e. dither (sulaza), i.e. not to go straight.236

The brooms got from all huts, each hut having one. If kraal big, doctor uses two in one hand and 2 in another, others left in the intelezi pot.

Doctor will first be given ugxa.237 When doctoring, a beast will be slaughtered, meat belonging to doctor. When proved evil omen gone by will be given a beast.

Ugxa - 10s. in Zululand, £1 in Natal.

6(a) This driving away of evil omens (pungaing umhlola) goes on freely.

Doctor cuts umbinda sticks,238 cut up into 8 in. pegs, many of them, only one long stick about 12-15 ft long. All smeared with black medicines, mixed with fat of wild animals (izilwane).

Umhlangwe, which is nkone in colour - very bad snake to enter house.239

Driven in (betelwa’d) in the knot (ifindo) of the hut, in doorway 1 in. above ground, and in the crown of the hut (esicongweni), then the long stick.

‘There is no rain. Who has been putting in izikonkwane?’ Hence reluctance to put in pegs as it has tendency to keep off rains.

If rains come down, they won’t consult (kulumisa) him.

Izikonkwane pegs to be pulled out and put in the water. They say, ‘You will later on be able to put them back as we have no desire to expose you to unnecessary danger.’

Tied into a small bundle (izixa) by doctor i.e. pegs, and put into the water whilst holes of the pegs will be filled up with water so as to bring on the rain. The rain will then come on whereupon he will put the pegs back. He could do this without assistance of doctor.

Even though pegged the whole kraal might be killed off, whilst others escape.

I saw at oZwatini in the Nyuswa country - I crossed into Zululand with Sir M. Osborn.

I used to be with many doctors.

All I say is done in Zululand.

The hammerhead has very large house; has various doors according to winds.

7 One punga’s with intelezi. One puts in pegs (betela’s) with izikonkwane, not punga’s.

Rain (izulu) medicines - are zila’d until potulaing has taken place.240

Huts all smeared with cowdung (sindwa’d) and all inmates go and wash.

Treated with medicines today, and possibly following day; 3rd day potulaing takes place.

Medicine is got to vomit with (palaza) so as to remove the amazembe which he had sucked from the fingertips (ncinda) the day before.241

Izembe - izinsizi, like umswani, squeezed into a potsherd, mixed with medicines, ncinda and zaula; cut shields.242

Black cow or male animal (iduna), or black sheep, but not goat. This is the animal slaughtered for people to ncinda its umswani.

When ncinda’ing, one spits out to begin with, then swallows, when going on ncindaing. This goes on 3 or 4 minutes.

The potsherd is red hot.

The potsherd for men is separate from that of women.

The boys ncinda at men’s potsherd after they have finished, whilst girls ncinda after the women.

Ncindaing and zaulaing is done in connection with all bad omens (imihlola) and lightning, also when people sick. For bad omens and lightning, all in the kraal ncinda, but in sickness only the sick man ncinda’s.

If a man sleeps at kraal and does not nukisa children, all will get ill and some perhaps die. It is meat, taken from near the heart; it is fatty. Isikwehlela is name of that meat. Children must be nukisa’d.243 [See below.]

All animals are got, skin, meat, bones, snakes, monitor lizard (uxamu), frogs, dogs, also amakubalo cut up,244 all put into potsherd, now red hot,8 and when smoke of burning things rises the children are made to nukisa, mouths open. The sick person is also put over the potsherd, covered over with blanket, and smells it till he gets into a perspiration. When all have done, the various drugs etc. are taken out and allowed to cool. Then the ncindaing begins.

Ncinda - this is the regular medicine of a patient. He also zaula’s, has an enema (cata’s), and vomiting (palazaing). These all take place, but for lightning or a bad omen all at house merely ncinda once and zaula and then go and potula.

Pungaing is to cela only.

Ncinda means something else than punga.

Punga umhlola or betel’ umhlola is the general term for the whole practice, though punga used alone applies only to celaing.

Lightning, utekwane sitting on hut or on fence, hornbills (izinsingizi), umhlangwe (snake), as well as all other animals unaccustomed to entering kraal, i.e. not kept domestically (fuyiswa’d), e.g. duiker (impunzi). Everything entering a kraal is called umhlola; it is spoken of as having been sent by abatakati. They are spoken of as having sent them by means of medicines. If baboon enters kraal, pungaing is done; it is called umhlola. Puffadder, mamba, nightadder not punga’d. Lions not punga’d, for come to eat call <sic>; also leopard, eland, crocodile, impaka. Impaka said to zaula a person asleep, cuts hair and takes to his ‘father’, i.e. umtakati.245

Isilili sendhlu - sides of house - izinhlangoti.246

Bateleur eagle (ingqungulu) - if it excretes on a person, he becomes sick or dies, is umhlola.

The ucakide mongoose, bad luck, you will go all day without food. You will be looked on with disfavour, i.e. you will be rejected, e.g. one not chosen as a husband

- he finds disfavour. Should you see ucakide when out courting you may as well return for you won’t see any girls.

9 Good omens.

Utekwane, when going to court the girls, a monitor lizard runs across his path he will have luck and find girls. Mousebirds (izindhlazi), if a flock flies in front of you if you do not find girls you will meet with a plentiful supply of food.

Inqomfi lark if goes off and says kwe! kwe - twe! and stretches out wings.

… <Praises of inqomfi lark omitted - eds.>

This bird brings the greatest luck. You would never pass by two kraals without finding the most abundant food.

Imbiba mouse - if seen running along path, you will find meat where you are going; a beast has been slaughtered.

Foot - if you strike the underpart of your foot against a stone and not the toes it means you will get food.

Isivivane - take stone up with foot, then by hand, mix up with bits of grass, and spit on it and throw on.247 I saw one beyond Bishopstowe, this side of Umgeni, yesterday. I found food.

10 Lion - if seen having killed a buck, a man bonga’s the ancestors, whereupon the lion will leave the buck and go off, letting the person bongaing cut it up.

Python (imfundamo, inhlwati) - if seen, knows he will see a girl or get food, or if out hunting and he sees inhlwati he will have luck in bucks.

Hair - not hidden but preserved (londoloza’d). Hidden for fear abatakati will take his body-dirt (insila). Others say wagtail (umvemve) will take and build house with and if this does so all hair will fall off and he will possibly accuse the abatakati whereas the umvemve did this. When the umvemve builds the hair falls off, i.e. until it hatches young; the hair will then begin to grow.

Person cut open - must be cut open or you will swell up (qumba), you must let out the wind or you will qumba.

Imikovu - widely believed in, like fairy tales.248 No one has seen imikovu. An umtakati raises a dead person, cuts out tongue and such person becomes umkovu. If one sees umkovu one becomes unconscious and then become an idiot. Friends of a person among imikovu will throw stones at him to warn him not to run into danger, but will be unable to articulate anything, having no tongue.

The umkovu might be sent to a place where one is ill late at night. It then cries out outside, ‘Maye babo!’ etc. and hlolela’s him and says he should die.249 Even if not ill wants him to get ill.

11 Baboons - get on facing tail which becomes rein; baboon shuffles backwards, that is how abatakati ride.

Leopard is trapped in the wilds and kept by umtakati and he takata’s with it.

Izindondo are imvunulo yamakosi kuqala, yabalobokazi and amakosikazi - indicative of rank.250 Two kinds, white and others red. Umango funa’d them.251 Izindondo only for ornament, not connected with birth, so far as I know.

I know nothing of goat being pointed towards sick person, but it is a fact that a goat or cow will have head pointed up to top of kraal, as, if the head points downwards, it means livestock (izimpahla) won’t increase, will go on dying off, etc. But a buck skin is so pegged out as to point to bottom end, so as to give you luck always to get better of them.

Leopard - if killed is brought home and a beast killed, and as the one is skinned so is the other; this is done so as to tame the leopard as a beast is tame so that in the future when other leopards are hunted those hunting will get ascendancy over it. The leopard is also eaten along with the beast, but eaten sparingly. The skin pegged out looking downwards.

The leopard, before skinning, is taken to the chief who leaps over it in the cattle enclosure. He qonela’s, for the chief is another leopard, so as to get the better of it.252 The person who stabbed the leopard first [is] given a beast for his pains. On getting home he gets a goat and gives to the one who stabbed it second (hlomula’d).

27.2.1910

File 30, item 17, pp. 27-33.

Also present: Gedle

27 Socwatsha and Gedhle.

S. I know not about breaking the web of a spider to hasten arrival as Gedhle says.

S. Upatelanjalo or utshomu - the carrier of izidwedwe.253

Cetshwayo and Mbuyazi. A beast was killed, with nice coloured hide - ox, cut into 2 shields. The heir (inkosana) carries the shield on the inxeba side. The son of the left-hand house (ikohlo) carries the shield on the indhlelo side, i.e. the side on which a beast eats grass. (The calf in a cow is on the inxeba side). Cetshwayo always got inxeba shield, Mbuyazi got the other until Mpande changed and gave the inxeba shield to Mbuyazi and gave C. the indlelo shield. C. then became angry (kukumala’d) in his heart. ‘Why does father cut me the indhlelo shield and Mbuyazi the inxeba one? He is evidently appointing Mbuyazi and ousting me.’ The izinduna came together and whispered about what Mpande had done. The shields were kept in a storage hut (umnyango); there was only one umnyango for the princes’ shields. There were many sons of Mpande who were Amamboza. Mbuyazi shield got lost, lost in the umnyango where all his brothers’ shields were kept. C. had taken it; he went and washed on it with medicines of his diviners, for he was asserting his supremacy (qonela) over him; he was ‘breaking’ him. After this he gave the shield to his mother Ngqumbazi as her shield for sitting on. The shield was searched for everywhere. After Ngqumbazi had sat the time which the doctor had prescribed she should do, it was taken and put in its place. ‘Hau! Where does it come from, as it has been looked for here, in the umnyango of the shields?’ Some said, ‘It should be taken away and burnt.28 The umntwana Mbuyazi agrees that it should be burnt.’ The men said, ‘Why should the shield be burnt, seeing the prince is not dead?’ Some of the men said it should be given to an inceku.

At this time the dispute was growing; they were confronting each other; the Izigqoza too were discussing war. They made shields to get ready in case of war. They hafted assegais. The Usutu did likewise and hafted assegais. The fight, Ndondakusuka, then broke out.254 Mpande then said to induna Ntobolongwana ka Matshwayibana. He told him he was to go round to all the izikulu of the Zulu country and tell Mpande’s secret, viz. that he, Mpande, favoured Mbuyazi and that their forces should go onto Izigqoza side. Ntobolongwana however did not go and arm them as directed. The big induna Masipula ka Mamba prevented him. He said he wanted all the Zulu people to go on to C.’s side and Mbuyazi to be killed. ‘The King is mistaken; he is ixoki.’255

The Boers asked who Mpande’s chief son was and he pointed out Cetshwayo and the Boers cut a mark (upawu) in C.’s ear (very small piece cut out of right ear) and then the Boers put clothes on him.256 ‘We do not agree. Let all the Zulu people arm and join Cetshwayo.’ Mbuyazi had by this gone out with his impi.

Mbuyazi was defeated - due to the shield having been treated as above stated by C. He defeated him because he washed on the shiel. He qonela’d him.

Idhlozi.

Get grave earth. Gedhle agrees, so does the induna Mbokode. Get ubulawu from doctor, to turn the idhlozi around, so as to face the home and not go to there backwards (nyovane) .257

29 The inyanga comes with ubulawu dug up - various drugs dug on the hills, tied up in his inkondhlwane, i.e. his mat (isihlandhla) for tying things up in. He (doctor) says go and get water from waterfall or where water plashes (hlokoma’s), and to get

it in an uselwa gourd - to be fetched by a good-tempered girl (etumekayo), a willing girl, one who has not reached the age of puberty, or a good-tempered boy may be sent - before he reaches the age of puberty.

The doctor calls for a white, spotless goat. It is slaughtered. A large pot is got into which the pounded ubulawu will be put. All the descendants (uzalo) of that idhlozi will be called together. If anyone is absent, the illness will go on to him. The goat is cut up. As it is cut up, the medicine is pounded in the pot. Then the cold water fetched is poured in. A forked stick is then taken and the medicine is stirred up. A big white foam is worked up. The gall of the goat is poured in there. If old men and women there, those dead are all praised by the praises of them whilst still living. They are spoken to as if they were within hearing of what is said, beginning with the great idhlozi. ‘Hau, So-and-so’ - by his name - ‘We ask that you turn your face to us. Look at your umuzi.’ Then he was praised by his izibongo at length. Then go on to another idhlozi thus: ‘You too, So-and-so.’ The amakosikazi are also praised. ‘Woman of such-and-such a place (ntombi yasekutini). You are silent. What are you looking at? We ask that you should look at your people.30 We ask that we may find good service (inkonz’ enhle) among the white people, and get cattle. We ask that we should be chosen by the girls; that all our people should marry, and that the umuzi should increase in numbers. We ask for progeny; we ask that our children who are ill should recover from their sickness, and that women who have not become pregnant should do so. We ask for amabele, Nkosi; we ask that our crops will be plentiful.’

They then vomit with the ubulawu. The inkosana begins and he washes with it; others follow suit. Others only rub hands wet with ubulawu on the head, only the inkosana washes. The cattle now come back when a big ox is killed, and the ancestors are addressed and praised. The same kind of prayers as before will be said. One man will come out and say, ‘Here is your food’, etc. The cattle are taken to top end of kraal, near the calf pen. The man addressing the ancestors walks about as he does so. The ox is slaughtered and eaten and finished.

Sometimes the ceremony is followed by success. The idhlozi turns about and the kraal increases in prosperity. On other occasions there is failure.

We see from this failure that it was not due to the idhlozi having become ‘spoiled’ (onakele) but because abatakati had brought about misfortune (swaza’d ngo mswazi) in a way that the doctors could not detect or discover.258 This proves that the doctor simply guessed what he thought the evil was due to and, in saying it was because the idhlozi had become ‘spoiled’ and then himself turning the idhlozi about and the evil still continuing to exist, shows he was lying.

Some will say (after finding no success), ‘Reject what the doctors say; it is not due to amadhlozi at all. The doctors are wrong.’

31 S. continues: When my hair is cut I collect it and either bury it in mud, or put it in the water or tuck it into long grass so that it will be burnt when the grass burns. I do not burn hair because it will be smelt.

Izintelezi - umpikayiboni, umnyawempunzi, umpishimpishi, isidondi, umatshwilitshwili, umatshikitshiki.259 These are for all omens, and for war.

Abatakati are ordinary people. He is like a thief or adulterer. They have kraals etc.

Some takata particular people, those they hate. He kills one of his father’s own children, i.e. brother.

Ubulawu [° = girls, * = both idhlozi and girls]:260 ibeka*, isidala*, uvuma*, itshinga°, inhlanhla*, umusa*, umpendulo*, uguqukile* (uguqu), ipengulula*, izaza*, umoyomnandi°, umfanezacile°, umdumowazo*, ugwayiwazo* (girls), ubane*, usikisiki* (girls; this was not twisted by anyone except the chief), umwuluki*, ibuta*, isitati*, intwalabombo* (Gedhle says: intabombo),261 umkoka*, isengama°, isiwisa°, ihlali°, iguleni°, impepotshani*, umtunyelelwa° (umatunyw’ avume onjeng’ empaka itunywa uyise umtakati),262 umwelela° (kwelipetsheya),263 umtolo*, umhlwazimamba*, umondi°.

Used for idhlozi: uguqu, umpendula, ubane, uvuma, umhlwazimamba, umwuluka, umdumo (umdumowazo), isidala, impepotshani.

Izincweba - iziyaya, amambata, izambato.264

Not all have these things. Only those who stabbed in battle (gwaza’d impi). A warrior (iqawe) carries and licks at the start of the year (ngoku twasa ngo nyaka). There are izinsizi inside. This licking is done to strengthen (qinisa) one, to prevent his becoming isipukupuku or uhlanya. He may be possessed by an iqungo, i.e. become transformed, become differently constituted to what he was.

32 Inswelaboya i.e. a man for whom he swela’s uboya.265 This is medicine, e.g. I am selling inswelaboya (igubandhlela, idhlaligwavuma, i.e. speak whilst eating), i.e. fat or flesh. The flesh of the one who comes out standing up for the doors are high, i.e. white people.

Wild beast (isilo) which kills people, but this beast, because human, is inswela-boya.

To act like an inswelaboya, i.e. to kill in order to get the flesh of that creature, i.e. human being.

Inswelaboya really meant the flesh and fat of a human being got by an umtakati, but later on it came to be transferred to the persons who went about killing people to get that flesh and fat.

Tokolotshe - tikolotshe [per Gedhle]. Socwatsha: It lives in the water, in deep pools - is a human being, but very short, strong (qinile). Never saw one. White people once caught one in a net, it is said. Goes about at night. Sleeps with women. Very long penis. Fat of it sold, hands and feet like a person’s, ejaculates (tundela) in a woman, but she does not give birth. This animal known for generations.

Isidawana - has a basket (iqoma) on its head, eats brains, kills a person and throws in iqoma, sucks at nostrils violently and draw all down, then leaves him, something like man, no hair on body, has loose hairs (izindosi).

Gedhle says: Isigwili or impisi (idelabutongo) carries off people who may be seated at the hearth.266

Socwatsha: Emgulugulwini or emlindaziko.267

Wives who enter the cattle enclosure - they must be permitted to do so by the head (umnikazi) of the umuzi. The cause of their being allowed to enter, after bearing 33 2, 3 or 4 children, is because their children refuse to go and get her grain (amabele) in the pit, or badly cover over pit and allow water to get in. The umnumzana then directs chief wife to allow her in and let her attend to her own amabele, her own food.

If a woman has someone who can satisfactorily cover up the pit she may not enter until she has had as many as 4 children, for there is no necessity for her to enter.

This not going into kraal is due to hlonipa, for a newly arrived wife (umlandakazana) will remain covered up;268 it will be said that she hlonipa’s the fence of the cattle kraal; the kraal belongs to the amadhlozi. But if a man’s wedding party (iketo) has come to dance and enters kraal, all, even those who do not as a rule enter, go in. They hlonipa, for a new wife does not scold or beat a child; she will give a child food when she is eating, even though it comes from another hut. After a year, how quick-tempered she becomes! And these children she formerly gave food to she discriminates between and gives only to those of her own house.

The idhlozi is at the upper end of the umuzi. People who bonga face the upper end, for the great house (indhlunkulu) is at the upper end. An idhlozi which comes from far away rests there in the great house, it is said. New wives hlonipa the great house very greatly.

Young wives cover their heads with a cloak (ingubo, isipuku) as they come in sight of grave of husband’s father, even though at very old vacated kraal <site>. The old women don’t hlonipa as young wives do.

28.2.1910

File 42, item 36, p. 1..

1 Socwatsha.

Put into the snuff, put into the smoking-horn, put poison in beer - all takataing acts.

Black water (amanz’ amnyama) - black ubulawu - for girls.

White goat is killed, not black. Disagrees with Gedhle.

White goat is killed at the upper end of the enclosure or in the great hut or in sick person’s hut - anyone may stab.

Goat is fed (funza), smeared with foam of the ubulawu and smeared up face.

Your beast (inkomo) of the water; we say, ‘Let the water shine, let the amadhlozi be white’ - bring good luck.

If a beast for girl getting married has to be stabbed twice, must pay a forfeit, say assegai or 1s., but a dhlozi beast, though properly stabbed, should not die too quickly. Goat killed about 2 p.m., beast killed soon after. Goat flesh is put in main hut all night, also meat of ox. The ox killed must be one belonging to indhlunkulu, although it may be borrowed from one of the other huts.

Ubulawu belongs to the upper end of the umuzi.

Impepo.269 Umhlwehlwe (fat), pierce, and other fats (amanoni)270 - before beast chopped up, for amadhlozi must start it - roasted at the back of the hut (umsamo) - put impepo on first, impepo fresh or dry, the door is closed so as to cause darkness

(isitunzi) so that amadhlozi will eat - whisper goes on at beast whilst impepo - an old woman, a young man, umnumzane of the home burn it, no speaking.

19.3.1910

File 40, item 22, pp.1, 3-4..

1 Socwatsha.

Qwabe chiefs.

Pakatwayo buried at Hlokohloko, east thereof.

Kondhlo - spring on road opposite Nkanini (Yamela’s kraal).

Mncinci - near where Inwakwu stream joins Matikulu.

Lufuta buried at Matigulu.

Qwabe came from (dabuka’d) Babanango, where Umhlatuze springs from that mountain. I heard this from Qwabe and Zulu old men.

Malandela may have come from Babanango.

A song (igama, isigekle)271 of Nosisila, policeman of Malimati’s at Nhlazatshe. Composed when comet appeared at Nhlazatshe, after it had been said Cetshwayo was returning to Zululand, but had not actually arrived. It ran:

I sing of a star, the new moon has appeared! (men)

Heyi, the star has a tail, the amakosi are quarrelling! (women)272

Isigekle was in quick time and accompanied by ihlombe, i.e. clapping of hands. Irubo was a bass chant.273

Ukuhlonza (men) - bass.

Inkwaza, inklwaza - vuma (women) - soprano.

Dokoza - talk in a bass voice; indokondoko - bass voice.274

War and hunger (indhlala) will come when comet appears. [E.g. Halley’s comet.] When we (Europeans) fought in Boer war, 1900 or so, a comet appeared; forget whether it appeared after or before beginning of war.

Don’t pitch out the water (out of an ikamba - pot); you will cause the sky to thunder - a superstition.275

… <Linguistic note omitted – eds.>

‘I swear by the name of Nandi at the Mateku’ - proof positive that she died in Zululand and not in Natal. Mateku is a stream, enters Mhlatuze near Ongoye. The grave is known. Mpuhlana ka Ndosi pointed it out to me.

‘I swear by the name of Dingana at kwa Nyawo’ - commonly said.

‘I swear by the name of Dingana at the uBombo’ - rarely said.

‘I swear by the name of Tshaka at kwa Dukuza.’

‘I swear by the name of the king at kwa Nyakamubi.’

‘I swear by the name of the king at kwa Nodwengu.’

‘I swear by the name of Cetshwayo at the Nkandhla.’

‘I swear by the name of my father at the Ncome, who was not buried but was eaten by wild animals.’

… <Linguistic notes in margins omitted – eds.>

3 Per Socwatsha, 19.3.1910.

Qetuka ka Manqondo ka Mazwana.

Noradu ka Mazwana of the kwa Magwaza people (the kwa Magwaza people were of the house of the eLangeni people; they were dabula’d by Makedama) told me about 5 or 6 years ago that he was an inceku of Tshaka’s at kwa Bulawayo. One day, he said, he took the king’s mealies (cobs still attached to the cut stalks) and, taking it to the girls of the king in the isigodhlo, gave the mealies to the girls who cooked for and carried food for the king. Noradu thought T. was still in the assembly, whereas he was with the girls. As he was giving the mealies to the girls, the king appeared and said, ‘Here, son of Mazwana, who was it who carried the mealies I had yesterday? Do you izinceku actually wash your hands? I ate the mealies, and then vomited and vomited and vomited and vomited.’ ‘Nkosi, we do wash our hands, for one of us carries a gourd of water. And a boy who goes out to urinate takes the gourd of water from the boy, and washes his hands.’ Noradu, hearing this added (or increasing) emphasis on ‘vomited’, got nervous and terrified but said nothing. He expected T. would end by saying, ‘Aren’t you taking him away?’ but this was not said.

N. then went to his huts and told the other izinceku what had taken place. The next day early all the izinceku rose and went to the river to wash, saying they had had nocturnal emissions (zi tshaywe izibuko), when in fact it was not so. They were afraid of the king, for they had heard what he had said to Noradu, asking, ‘Do you wash? No sooner had I eaten the food than I vomited.’ When N. saw that the izinceku intended that he should return to T., he who had escaped on the preceding day, he said, ‘Then, children of my father, I will certainly die today.’ N. saw that he would be killed if, as he had not had a nocturnal emission, he were to refrain from carrying in the food. He decided to go in with the food to T. and take his chance. N. then went with another inceku, whilst a third carried water in a gourd in order that they may wash. They got to T., whereupon the madman (uhlanya) said, ‘Here, son of Mazwana! You must wash, you must wash when you bring my food.’ N. said, ‘We do so, Nkosi!’ T. said, ‘What then is the reason why I should vomit after eating food? I think that you do not wash.’ He added, ‘O! You have been let off (wa sinda).’ N. then went back to his hut.4 He then made himself ill, and reported himself to izinduna so as to get leave to go home and eat amakambi.276 Permission was given. His real reason for going home was to give thanks to the ancestors by slaughtering a beast, for he had escaped death.

Nocturnal emissions (ukushayw’ izibuko).

‘He has spattered his semen on me (u ngi tele nge zibuko lake)’ - as one sleeping close to another, under same blanket.

He has been bitten by a crab (u lunywe inkalankala) - he has emitted semen (utshaywe amanzi).

Nyakamubi - possibly sister of Tshaka.277

Ngqojana. Sopane.

‘Why are you killing me, sons of my father? What have I done?’

Emvivane (deep pool) - crocodile.

Embozamo.

Lest they overshadow (engama) them, i.e. the insila of the king, those who attended the umufi, the deceased, the one who is no longer there. I.e. were not the izinceku (insila) killed, they would overshadow (engama) the existing king, that is, stand over them as a menace.

Mantingwane told me he was a boy when Tshaka was assassinated. He was seated nearby when Mbopa came carrying a handful of assegais. He began striking the Pondos who were talking to T. T. remonstrated with Mbopa, who thereupon threw an assegai at T., sticking him between shoulders at back. Mhlangana, Dingana, Ngqokwana and Sopane came forward and also threw assegais at T. as he was making towards the gate. He turned and cried out, ‘Why are you killing me, sons of my father? What have I done?’ He fell at the gate. Mhlangana suggested he should be dragged down and pitched into the Emvivane (name) pool (full of crocodiles) of Imbozamo stream. Dingana said no, he must be buried in the same way that kings are. Mantingwane was then directed to fetch a black ox from Nyakamubi cattle. This was done. The ox was killed and the assassinators sprinkled themselves with gall and cinsa’d etc. Mantingwane was next sent for a small herd (iqabi) of oxen belonging to the Nyakamubi hut (from which S. concludes the name refers to a person, say Tshaka’s sister etc.). This herd was all killed whilst T.’s body was properly tied up in the black ox’s skin and the corpse kept until only bones remained. Numbers of izinceku were killed and buried with T., whilst all T.’s personal belongings at Nyakamubi, as well as at Bulawayo and other amakanda, were collected and buried with him by order of Dingana. S. knows nothing of his having been buried next day or being buried in a grain hole. Mantingwane should have been killed but he got off on account of his youth. Nyakamubi, S. supposes, was some near relative of T.’s, possibly a sister.

20.3.1910

File 40, item 22, p. 2.

2 Per Socwatsha.

Tshaka used to say that he was poor (mpofu) and had no cattle. He would say this to the Zulu people, when all were present. What was Zulu to eat, as he (T.) had no cattle? Nowadays when a man reckoned to be well off in cattle talks about not having enough, and wanting to come by more, others will liken him to Tshaka who, although universally believed to have boundless wealth, with numberless amakanda etc., complained of being poor. ‘He is like Tshaka who claimed to be poor.’

If the imbungu (horn) is played out of season, it is said to cause umkuhlane.278

30.1.1912

File 66, item 9, pp. 16-18..

16 Socwatsha, 30.1.1912. I hear Bambata crossed at the Mtambo Drift, in the eMakabeleni country - don’t know if this is the Dimane drift.

Ofeni lwenyoni at Kotongweni is a stronghold which abatshokobezi entered; this when they fought with Basutos of Hlubi during Nkandhla impi (after C.’s death) - happened at time of his burial. The abatshokobezi ate amambuka’s and Mbuzo’s cattle. They slaughtered and ate them.279

Ekwanini - a stronghold of Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe when he fought against Dingana.280 Sambela ka Gcwabe was killed at Ekwanini with his impi; whereas his brother Zihlandhlo was taken off to eDimane south of Tugela and there hidden. Many of the Embo impi were killed there.

Isimahla - the umuzi of Zihlandhlo.

An ilunga shield was carried by the great men, the sons of the king.281

Magunyana ka Bovungana ka Mavela - taken to Dingana who killed him.

The izigodhlo were the same size.

Let us let Manzini ka Gcwabe go. Manzini sent and killed by D.

Regiments of Zihlandhlo: iNguqa, uDhliki, imiValo, uTshwele. Dingana called these one regiment and gave one name, Mpiyake. An ikanda was built for them and an inkosikazi appointed over it, which is done with all amakanda.

Afraid of being killed - two to four months passed.

Manyane was in Zihlandhlo’s district.

My father Papu was of the uBadane of Tshaka (regiment). My father was married at this time - 4 wives then, and children.

Called up - come aze - without anything. Deceived. Told to act as if fighting - run as if catching impi.17 They did so - told to return at a run to the king (at Mgungundhlovu). Told to go back down-country as hard as they could. They did so - for 3 or 4 miles; they ran about 3 miles out and 3 back about 4 times - got tired.

Nzobo said if you see me put hand over mouth and blow and drag blanket - and then break their necks, a company (viyo) to each man.282

One man got up at night and with neck twisted ran to give alarm. ‘You see only me. You will never see the others and here too is the impi behind; I bring it on my back; it has finished off two peoples (amazwe).’ They followed (impi). It went to the rock, to the place of our fathers. Zulus thought could kill off easily, but made great blunder.

These tactics exactly similar to those in regard to Piet Retief.

Our people then all armed and went.

The boundaries of Ndube’s ward badly defined in certain parts. Mangati’s kraal at Macala fell within Ndube’s ward although he was a member of Mpumela’s tribe. Ndube did not want to make a row about this. Febana too lived within Ndube’s ward, though a member of another tribe.

Boundaries not clearly defined with Matshana ka Mondise as with Mbuzo.

18 Bambata no sooner arrived in Zululand than he went to Ntshelela’s (ka Godide) kraal at eKotongweni down below at the Tugela; it cultivates on the Tugela, and gets water from the Tugela. This kraal is nearer Mfongozi than eHlwane and near Ofeni lwe nyoni. He arrived at sunset, when the cattle were returning. May be midday (return of cattle).

Ntshelela became umtshokobezi. Killed beast. Bambata ate it; did not sleep. B. did not sleep there - went at night to Mangati on top of Macala, where Mangati slaughtered a goat for him.

On Sunday early Bambata went to Mmangwana ka Faku ka Pokwana (of the Emacubeni people).

Mmangwana (an induna) gave them beer. They came carrying the meat from Ntshelela’s.

They then went on to Simoyi ka Mbango (mouth of Mome). Kraal at base of gun hill (kopje) was Mpangele’s. I think Simoyi had 2 kraals at mouth of M.

Bambata arrived very early Sunday at Mmangwana’s. They found the impi very numerous (ite tinya!).

Europeans chased Bambata as far as Macala. Came from Greytown - others said Boers.

Said that Saunders sent them back, saying, ‘I’ll catch Bambata. I have plenty of men.’ One or two said to have gone as far as Nkandhla.

The Reserves came to Macala on Tuesday - crossed B.’s track. Some crossed, so I heard, at the Libomvu; I saw some (about lunch time); they crossed at Emkalazi and came down Madungela ridge to Ndondondwana. Might have got to Zululand on the Monday. I saw them on the Tuesday, returning.

Ntshelela ka Godide reported to Mpumela, who told him to go and report to Colenbrander. He went.

Iwa Kingi!

Precip.

Not wash when eating.

Not sleep on mats.

4.6.1912. Pietermaritzburg.

File 66, item 10, pp. 1-5..

1 Native Affairs Dept., Pietermaritzburg. Socwatsha.

The former organization <was> in accordance with imizi, not age. The group would be called those from such and such a place. They would form their own companies (amaviyo).

Under later system, viyos were formed at amakanda, those knowing one another entering same viyo, but where those of a particular neighbourhood were unable to form viyo they might be ordered to amalgamate with another batch but little known to them.

We thus see viyos were formed principally on a basis of knowing one another.

Every regiment has an isibay’ esikulu section, and in this section, which marches at the rear, is the principal commanding officer of the regiment. The Tulwana was also

isibay’ esikulu, but this was because the king was a member of that regiment. Hence the whole regiment was isibay’ esikulu.

The isibay’ esikulu occupied left side of kraal facing cattle kraal gate. On the right was the uhlangoti section, but there was also isibay’ esikulu of the uhlangoti and in such section was the principal induna of the uhlangoti. Now the induna of isibay’ esikulu was the principal induna of regiment as a whole; the induna of the uhlangoti was under him.

The commanding officer (umdidiyeli, o didiyelayo) is that of isibay’ esikulu, for he didiyela’s - gathers them all together; he commands (tshayas) all amaviyo; the induna of uhlangoti is in command only over his own particular section. Should induna of the isibay’ esikulu die, the king may appoint anyone else he likes. The induna of uhlangoti was not second in command in event of chief induna being killed etc.

Ikala, isisu, isicamelo [or umqamelo, from isiqamelo (isicamelo) - head-rest], isibay’ esikulu. There is first the nose, then the stomach, the head-rest and the great isibaya. The leading section is called ikala.

2 The izindunas would qinga (i.e. imisa, cause to halt; gqiba, get back) impi were isibay’ esikulu to go out first by mistake.

The great induna of isibay’ esikulu has his hut at gate of cattle kraal; so also, on his side, has the induna of uhlangoti.

Ikala is also known by names udhlawu or upondo. They are now doing ibece stabbing - stabbing in the back as running away. They are still fighting ngezi fuba - face-to-face action.

Differences in Bambata’s impi as compared with Zulu military system.

1. The Zulus used to drive a herd of cattle (say 20-40, but nearer 40) along with impi (these were taken from the king’s cattle), and these would be kept intact until those of enemy had been captured, when the latter would be taken as food and the others driven back to the king’s kraal once more. But if food ran short the induna was allowed to kill and eat of this herd, but care was taken that induna only and his immediate coterie got any of this meat. It was not eaten by anyone.

These cattle were known as uGibiqolo, the one which will eat up others. I don’t know if any of these cattle were driven along in Zulu war.

This herd of cattle (say 20-40 in all) was not to be found in connection with Bambata impi.

I heard of this herd of cattle of very many older men (amadoda). These cattle which would eat up others, they went out in days of Tshaka, Dingana, Mpande and Cetshwayo.

2. It never happened, as it did in Bambata’s impi, for a section of troops to absent themselves on pretext of going off to look after their women and children. I saw this in Bambata’s impi. Soldiers took for their women and children meat of the impi, of cattle and goats.

3. It never happened, as occurred in B.’s campaign, for women, children and old men to hide in same forest as the warriors; the two lots went into different forests. An illustration of this was at Mbonje (iTate).

3 The Reserves that came across from Natal found abatshokobezi with men and women etc. who had encamped at my kraal. All fled off, Boers opened fire, shot women and children, not being able to distinguish them amidst all those who made off, for it seemed from a distance as if men only were running off.

4. Bambata, at Bobe, directed that Mavalana, Falaza, Hayelwengwenya were all to be picked out (keteka).283 Macwaneka refused, he being induna of Ndube, who had deserted (hlubuka’d) with Ndube’s people. Macwaneka said they should fight according to their localities (izifunda).

At Mome Bambata wished the same thing, but Mehlokazulu refused, saying they must fight according to localities, so that they should become fierce. Mehlokazulu said a mixed-up force (impi ye nhlanganiselo) does not become fierce and that best way is for people who know one another to fight side by side.

5. The methods of fighting were generally same as those of former days. Sigananda’s people claimed to be the isibay’ esikulu. Then all of them, they said, had armed, including chief, whereas the chiefs of others who had assembled had simply abandoned them (ambuka’d). The Cubes had their own chief with them, but the chiefs of all the other rebel sections of tribes had abandoned them and did not throw in their lot with rebels.

In ordinary war of Zulus there was no deserting (ambukaing). When Macwaneka refused to let the Ndube section of rebels break up into regiments, he was taken to task (kankata’d) by Sigananda, who said, ‘Who are you, a mere dog that you are? Where is Ndube, your father? Must I now adopt you?’ (having no father).

6. The doctoring generally was similar to Zulu practice. A boy who carried the basket (iqoma) of intelezi medicines (even without intelezi in it) would not speak

4 Were he to speak, intelezi would become spoilt. There was also a gourd (isigubu) carried by Mandisindaba’s boy, quite black and also placed in a net of string and all quite black because hung up and black with smoke.

No one is allowed to talk when being sprinkled with intelezi. The doctor signals to those present, wiping his hand over his mouth to indicate silence. Were talking to go on, the intelezi would go wrong.

Dinuzulu knew nothing of impi. He sent no one to fight at Nkandhla. Where he went wrong was to harbour Bambata’s children and Bambata and co. during rebellion without reporting having done so to the authorities.

Sigananda declared that the impi was Dinuzulu’s and that Mankulumana comes from nowhere (i.e. not from Dinuzulu) but had been paid money by the hatful to come down to them.284

No messengers were actually sent by Dinuzulu to the impi.

He made war by means of secret messages (unyandhla) ,285 i.e. he issued instructions in a secret or concealed manner - ukunyandala, i.e. to move secretly (nyenya) and not be seen. This is said by us when D. was being tried, for he gave Bambata a gun.

No one was murdered after Dinuzulu’s arrest. There was medicine for catching Dinuzulu.

I believe Dinuzulu knew about the war through secret messages, and acted stealthily without being seen (wayazi impi ngo nyandhla, utshotsha pansi a nga bonwa muntu, eyi nyelelisa).

5 It is quite likely Dinuzulu was restrained from rebelling for fear of what Tshanibezwe and Mciteki would do.286 He, D., sent to Kambi ka Hamu to say, ‘The white people burnt my father’s place.’287 Kambi said, ‘When they burnt your father’s place, was there not someone who had gone in there whom they were looking for? Did his place not get burnt when they were searching there?’

Hence Dinuzulu put out a feeler, thinking Kambi would get angry, but he didn’t and his supposition as given above was a correct one as a matter of fact.

D. also sent to Maboko ka Masipula to say, ‘Here are the white people coming. I ask for boys, beginning with the uFalaza and ending with the uMavalana. Let them carry war-shields, rolled up, and hidden, and if meet Europeans, say they are going to hoe the Mtwana’s field at kwa Dalala.’288

Maboko replied: Don’t hide from the white people. Go to them, because you don’t know what word they have brought with them, or what they will say.

16.8.1913

File 54, item 9, pp. 1-7..

1 Notes on Sir Theophilus Shepstone

Report by Socwatsha of his visit to various people re Sir T. Shepstone’s historical interviews with Mpande and Cetshwayo concerning Monase’s children in or about 1857. He (S.) was sent to get information by the late A.J. Shepstone.289

The most important informant was Lutoluni ka Zucu, of the Lamula people (this tribe apparently originally from Swaziland). I met this man at his kraal near Mdunduzeli Ridge, Nkandhla District, and close to Ndikwe stream just before Mr A. Shepstone’s death [October (?) 1912].

I told him I had been sent by the inkosi, Mmango,290 to ask him (L.) if he knew of Somsewu’s coming to Mahlabatini to fetch the children of Monase (mother of Mbuyazi ka Mpande). [Monase was daughter of Mntungwa of the Nxumalo people]. He said: Yes, I was present. He asked who sent me to him, I said Mmango, a former magistrate, Nkandhla. He knew Mmango.

L. went on: Somsewu first came to Mpande at Nodwengu. He said: I have come to mourn, son of Senzangakona, for your sons who died at Ndondakusuka. Mpande said nothing. Somsewu went on to report a shortage of food (indhlala). He said that Monase and the various other wives of Mpande who had crossed into Natal with her (one to marry Mqundane ka Maboyi; another married Mahoyiza ka Mlandu; others died in Natal without remarrying; Monase died at Emtunzini, near Estcourt) - he said

all these had insufficient food. He asked Mpande to provide food for them, viz cattle, 2 for cattle were very numerous indeed in Zululand, as plentiful as the grass. S. went on: Your wives (omnkako) are crying; they are crying over their children. Your family members kill one another, and then they make peace. He said: I do not side with anyone, for you are all my people. Mbuyazi and Cetshwayo and you, Mpande, you are all my people. I do not side with anyone. All these words were very pleasing and acceptable to Mpande. Had Somsewu had only Mpande to deal with, he would have returned with the cattle and the children. (These children had remained behind, being in the isigodhlo, when their mothers escaped during the hostilities. The children were Batonyile, who had married Mtateni ka Myandeya; another had married Mmiso ka Matshana ka Sitshakuza). Mpande, however, was afraid of Cetshwayo for he was averse to C.’s succeeding him. Cetshwayo had accused Mpande of having set on him and Mbuyazi to fight. He even said of Mpande, ‘This old man is full of tricks (amacebo), for first he appointed me as his successor, then, when I quarrelled with Mbuyazi, he appointed Mbuyazi.’ It was for these reasons that Mpande was afraid to accede to Somsewu’s request. Shepstone then informed Mpande that he was going on to Cetshwayo to mourn for him just as he had been doing to Mpande.

3 S. came accordingly to Cetshwayo, finding him at his kraal, Kwa Gqikazi, the place of his people (kwabo). (I don’t think Undi kraal had as then been built.)

S. repeated what he had said to Mpande. He also said: All of you are my people, those who are dead and those who are living. I do not side with anyone. I have come to report that your mothers have run away to me. They are dying of hunger. They are crying; they are crying because of their children. People were killing one another, and then making peace.

Then Ngoza, the induna, came forward. He said: Your mother, Monase, said that I must set my eyes on her children. Monase had directed him to see them with his own eyes. Cetshwayo said: There they are in the isigodhlo, in a children’s hut. Ngoza went off, and entered the isigodhlo; he was taken there by an inceku. He saw them, and spoke to them. He gave them greetings from their mother. They asked if their mothers were well. Ngoza told them their mothers were living alright at the Mngeni, not very far from Bishopstowe and Table Mountain.

Cetshwayo replied: I shall inform the men, on hearing what Somsewu had come about. A general meeting of Zulus was thereupon arranged and a large number of men attended.

As regards Ngoza’s visit to isigodhlo, there were, it should be added, izinceku looking on who sided with Mpande and others who sided with Cetshwayo.

When the great meeting had been convened and all were present, Sir T.S. was invited to address the meeting. ‘Speak, Somsewu! (Tata, Somsewu!),’ said Cetshwayo. He repeated what he had said when he arrived. In response, Cetshwayo spoke not to him but to Ngoza. ‘Ngoza! What were you fetching from the isigodhlo? I am asking you, what were you fetching from the isigodhlo?’ Ngoza said, ‘I went to see the girls.’4 Cetshwayo spoke in a rage. He said, ‘Stand up, Ngoza!’, for he had been sitting down. Ngoza said, ‘Have I stolen something? Even though I asked permission, and you gave it?’ Cetshwayo became even more angry. Then Somsewu

himself replied. ‘What wrong did Ngoza do in the isigodhlo? Did he not ask you if he could go and see the girls? Do you think he was wanting the girls of the isigodhlo? Why should he do that when he leaves behind so many in Pietermaritzburg?’ [What necessity was there for him to look for girls there with so many at Pmburg?]291 Cetshwayo said, ‘Be silent, white man! I am not talking to you. I am talking to the people of our house (ba kwetu). You see them there with you; they have come from here.’ Somsewu said, ‘Nhi! Do you think that you are not one of my people? Let me say that Ngoza and all the others are of my people. You too are of my people.’

Then Hamu and Ziwedu spoke. ‘You, Somsewu, have you come to fetch the children of Monase, the children of Mbuyazi’s people, when Cetshwayo has taken them by force of arms?’ Somsewu said, ‘Be quiet, sons of Mpande. To you I have this to say. Tomorrow he will want to kill you in your turn, and you will come running to me to escape’ [saying this because of Mkungo, Sikota and others having already run away at time of Ndondakusuka and come to Natal].292

Again Cetshwayo addressed Ngoza in anger. ‘What were you fetching in the isigodhlo from the girls?’ Again Somsewu said, ‘But Ngoza has told you. He said he was given permission by you to go into the isigodhlo to see Batonyile and the others.’5 Cetshwayo was now furious. He spat (not, however, at Somsewu),293 being very angry and insulting and intending to insult Somsewu. Cetshwayo said, ‘Quiet, white man! I am not talking to you. I shall die only once.’ Somsewu said, ‘Hau, my child! You say you will die only once. What is it that will kill you in your own place? Do you mean me, when I am alone here at your place?’ He continued, ‘O, my child, even the hunter (ipisi) who kills animals, all kinds of animals, including the black hyrax, does not kill the white hyrax. If he kills the white hyrax, his umuzi will never prosper. The white hyrax is not killed. For my part, I am a white hyrax.’

Upon this all the men burst into shouts (hlokoma). Somopo, the induna of Emangweni, said, ‘Hau! When the sons of Mpande killed one another at Ndondakusuka, were they not disputing?’ Somsewu said, ‘On top of that, every one of you is of my people. If Mbuyazi had not died at Ndondakusuka, if he had come to me to ask for help, I would on no account have helped him, for both of you are my people. If you, Cetshwayo, had been defeated and had escaped and come to me, I would on no account have helped you with an impi. I would on no account have taken your side.6 I have come here on this matter because you are all my people. I say that you are quarrelling and then making peace because you are related to one another.’

That was the end of it; after that, people dispersed. A small herd of cattle was then set aside. Masipula said, ‘He has come here to settle this matter; what is he going to eat?’ Somsewu was accordingly given the cattle. [Masipula was a great supporter of Cetshwayo.]294

Lutoluni added: After Sir T. S.’s departure, the men at the meeting all went and gathered at Masipula’s. They all there exclaimed: ‘Hau! Here is a beast (isilwane) with courage. He continued to speak even though so many of the Zulu people had assembled and surrounded him.’

Somsewu did not cross into Natal by the Dhlokweni drift (just below Singqungu’s - Toohey - drift) but by the Ngubevu drift apparently, and crossed into Mabomvini tribe.

Somsewu, when he got back, felt he had narrowly escaped with his life; so with Ngoza, who felt that with the eagle (ukozi), i.e. Cetshwayo, ordering him to stand up, he felt his last day had come.

Ngoza was got into trouble by the izinceku. Lutoluni did not say what tales they told C., perhaps that he had advised the ‘children’ to escape.

Shortly after this, Cetshwayo, knowing he was disliked by Mpande, caused Nomantshali (Mtonga’s mother), favourite (intandokazi) of Mpande, to be killed in Mpande’s presence, by way of causing him (Mpande) to be inspired with a dread of Cetshwayo.

7 Sigayi (girl) was Mpande’s first born - eldest of the whole family.

Lutoluni is of Mdhlenevu regiment. His story was partly confirmed by Mhlahlo ka Bekeleni, near Empandhleni Magistracy, who spoke to Socwatsha on a different occasion.

Lutoluni did make some reference to Somsewu’s saying that even though C. killed him, the white people would come to fetch his bones (itambo).

He did not say S. refused to allow Ngoza to speak to C. on the ground that he was a dog. Nor did he refer to Masipula’s remonstrating with C. by calling out, ‘No! No! Ndhlamvuzo! No! Ndhlamvuzo.’

[Note: Henrique or someone referred to a beautiful speech Mpande made on hospitality on this famous occasion.]

[C. got into a rage about Ngoza apparently at Shepstone’s tents, just before he left for Natal.]

[16 August, 1913, 34 Loop St., P.M.Burg - J.S.]

26.10.1913. <Pietermaritzburg>.

File 58, nbk. 23, pp. 1-26.

1 26 Oct. 1913, 34 Loop Street. Socwatsha speaks.

Mantingwana ka Ndingiyana of the Hlope people told me the following: He never knew his father, owing to Tshaka’s impi surrounding and killing them off. His father was killed but mother succeeded in escaping with him. She was taken in (tolwa’d) in a certain tribe and a given kraal. The inmates of the kraal decided to go and look for amabele. M.’s mother accompanied them and proceeded to the very kraal from which she had fled. When there, impi came and killed her and those with her. Those who escaped returned to kraal at which M. had taken refuge to say same impi was

following them up. The impi came up, killed some, but M. escaped. He afterwards accidently parted with those he had run away with. He went on and on, wandering about; he afterwards came upon Iziyendane of Tshaka. (Iziyendane had not put on the headring; they wore their hair in imiyeko, like izangoma, i.e.2 twist hair and smear with black powder (umsizi).)295 They then called on M. to carry their hoes (amegeja) which they had seized in the fighting. I don’t know how many. He put them on his head and walked on. They directed him what path to take. ‘You’ll go on and on and go out of sight over there.’ They then sat down and ate the food which they were carrying. M. was given nothing to eat. He went forward and kept looking back to see them still seated. He went on. When he got to where he was to go out of sight, he looked back and found them still seated. As soon as he got out of sight he put the hoes in the pathway and immediately ran off as hard as he could go. He escaped and hid himself.

When he saw that they did not know where he had got to, he passed on to other places. All of a sudden he came upon a very large kraal. There he stood at the outside gate of the kraal. A married woman (makoti) came out to draw water.3 She passed on to the stream without having said anything to him. The woman returned from stream and entered huts. Presently youths belonging to the kraal (Mteli’s of the Qwabe people) came out to the boy, finding his mouth quite white with hunger. They said, ‘Tell us who your father is.’ Before he had done so, the owner of the kraal came through the gate. On coming up he snatched lad by the arm and said, ‘Come here, you are one of my people.’ The kraal head had heard from the makoti. M. was then given food. There he stayed and herded with other boys. He became used to the place. After a short while an impi arrived. It killed people off at the kraal, including Mteli. The lad was then seized by an inceku of Tshaka, the man who used to cut up cattle for Tshaka to eat (izinkomo zomlomo).4 On the inceku getting back to Tshaka’s kraal, Dukuza, he asked the boy’s name. M. replied, ‘Mantingwane’. The inceku then gave him another name. He then directed the people to call him by his new name, so that he would go quite astray from his relatives and they would not be able to find him.

The king’s cattle had now to be slaughtered and skinned. He called the lad to help to catch hold of the beast whilst being skinned. He was carrying a pot (imbiza) to catch the beast’s blood for ububende.296 Tshaka was a restless person (utshangane), 5 always walking about, so he entered the cattle kraal. T. then said, ‘Here, So-and-so,’ to the inceku. ‘Whose boy is this?’ ‘He is mine, Nkosi.’ ‘Where did you get him?’ ‘I got him in the fighting against the Qwabe.’ The king then turned to the boy and said, ‘What is your name, boy?’ He said, ‘I am Mantingwane.’ T. then said to the inceku he was to treat the boy well as he was good-looking (yellowish in colour). ‘You must look out a nice beast for him to drink milk (kleza) from, like other boys.’ When the inceku got to the hut into which the meat had been carried, he said, ‘Look here, men, cease calling the lad by the name I gave him, but go on calling him by his real name, for the king heard that name and not the one I had given.’

Now some months passed. The amaMpondo impi went out and returned to go northwards (Delagoa Bay).297 Whilst seated in his hut, Mantingwane was called by the king Tshaka. On coming up, M. sat in the manure (umquba) near and on lower

side of Tshaka. He found T. talking to an old Mpondo man.6 M. sat like a girl - people do not squat (qotshama) in presence of the king, but bottom is right on ground. Mbopa then came up close via an opening in the fence. He proceeded to hit the Mpondo with a stick. ‘Go away, you nkengana!’298 Mbopa was carrying a bundle (ipande) of assegais. And these very assegais he carried belonged to Tshaka himself. T. was surprised. ‘Hau! Mbopa! When did you ever do this? You come while I am talking to someone and you then proceed to beat him with a stick!’ But Mbopa paid no attention to T.; he made as if he passed by him behind. He then stabbed him in the shoulders; he hurled the assegai with force, letting go of it. As soon as this took place, M. was startled but in same moment a batch of sons of Senzangakona (brothers of Tshaka) had come into the enclosure, each of them carrying a bunch of assegais.7 There were many of them. No further questions were asked. Mhlangana stabbed him, and Dingana. As soon as stabbed, T. turned and seeing his brothers, said, ‘Why are you stabbing me, sons of my father? What have I done?’ They said, ‘Stab the madman from the place of the Mtetwa who is destroying the country; finish him off.’ T. ran towards the gate of the kraal; as he did so, he fell to the ground, within the cattle kraal.

All this time M. remained seated there. T. had not even told him what he wanted him for. Dingana turned and saw Mantingwane seated. He said, ‘Come here, boy! Run and fetch a black ox from among those of kwa Nyakamubi.’299 When Mantingwane returned with it, they stabbed it; it fell; they pierced it and cut it open from the chest downwards.8 They took out the gall bladder and the grass (umswani) in the first stomach. They poured the gall onto the umswani. All the people came up and ‘washed the hands (hlamb’ izandhla)’ and spat out (cinsa) umswani (they held the umswani in the mouth, then spat it out). Then they said, ‘Wo! What will be done with Tshaka?’ Mhlangana said he should be dragged off and thrown into a pool in the Mbozamo for the crocodiles to eat. Dingana objected, saying, ‘This man Tshaka was the son of our father; he was the chief of the uhlanga!300 He should be buried as a chief of the uhlanga, like all the chiefs of the Zulu people. He should not be buried like an ordinary person. Let all his goods (impahla) be gathered up, from all the amakanda, and be brought here. You, Mantingwana, call his izinceku from over there to come and pull out the assegais.’

9 The izinceku were told to carry him to his hut [this taking to hut may have occurred on the following day]. Others were told to fetch black oxen from those of kwa Nyakamubi. They were to be slaughtered for his purification ceremony (umgando). The skin of one of them should be taken for wrapping him in. The common men (amadojeyana) of kwa Nyakamubi should keep watch over him, and slaughter black oxen, until all his goods had been fetched from the amakanda in the Zulu country. Orders were given that no one should cry out, or shed any tear. Anyone who cried was to be put to death. For the evil-doer (itshinga) was dead, the madman from the country of the Mtetwa who had destroyed the Zulu country and caused it trouble.

10 It was owing to these circumstances that Tshaka was buried at Dukuza and not Emakosini, for there were none to carry him - impi away and then people were ordered not to mourn for him.

His goods came from all the amakanda. The grave was dug for him by his izinceku. Some izinceku were killed to endhlalela him,301 i.e. be his sleeping mat (icansi). Some of the izinceku that remained put him into the grave. These were thereupon killed to cover him above. Dingana then proclaimed that all who had hidden in the bushes on account of T.’s impis, also all sick peope (iziguli) were to emerge and come to him. He then slaughtered cattle for them and buta’d them, calling them uHlomendhlini. The elders he called the White Hlomendhlini, and the youths the Black Hlomendhlini. He then strengthened (qinisa’d) them by killing them cattle.11 He had them all armed, so that when Tshaka’s warriors returned they would not make inquiries into or demur at the killing of T. for D. would be ready to defend himself.

Mantingwane died in Ndwedwe district at Umdhloti river in about 1888 (Zululand disturbances). Has sons living: Mtomboti, Lokoza and Pama (same age as myself), Sikova (in Zululand). The first three are at Ndwedwe, also another son Masende. They live in ground occupied by Tshevu, induna (headman) of Chief Lokotwayo of Pinetown Office.302

It was said that Mbopa would be given imizi, cattle, and people, indicating a kraal of Tshaka’s. ‘We will give you all this when you will become as great as Tshaka yourself and an inkosi.’12 No sooner had he done what they wanted than they exclaimed, ‘Hau, you kill your own chief; you have courage. Tomorrow you will do this again. We are brothers of Tshaka; when we see you, Mbopa, we are afraid of you.’ He was then put to death, that day or the next.

The question of succession was referred to Mnkabayi.303 She was summoned either to Dukuza or Bulawayo. She dressed as a man and came into the semi-circle (umkumbi); had on a skin skirt (isidwaba), not covered with black powder (umsizi), like others, but left ruddy and simply covered with scent. Over this she wore umqubula of genet and blue monkey. She also had imiklezo, i.e. amatshoba. When dressed, her identity could not be detected. She had a band of otter skin on her head; 13 she had also amabeqe of monkey skin. She had also imnyakanya of the widow-bird, also long crane feather. She had a white shield with black spot, assegais, also an inhlendhla assegai which she used as a staff (dondolozela’d).304

She began by praising the Zulu chiefs - i.e. when all Zulu had come into the semi-circle, and regiments and all Senzangakona’s sons there. She said, ‘Yebo, Zulu people, what are you saying, now that the madman from the Mtetwa country is dead? He was not a chief; he became chief through his madman’s strength. He killed Sigujwana, the real heir of Senzangakona. As Sigujwana is no longer living, there is the son of Myiyeya’ [referring, of course, to Dingana]. (Mpikase was Dingana’s mother.)305 She said that the Zulu people should not be ruled by means of a red assegai.

As soon as Dingana heard he had been chosen,14 he burst forth and giya’d and then entered the inhlambelo (enclosure where the king washes). As he came out he was covered with coloured patches (imicombocombo) of different medicines used on him by the doctors, who were strengthening him.

The first thing he did was to kill Mhlangana, who claimed to be king on the ground that he had stabbed the tyrant Tshaka.

After this D. killed off all Senzangakona’s sons except Mpande. He saw that if he did not kill them all off they would one day rise and kill him.

Burial of kings.

The kings of Zululand are kept for 2 to 4 months before being buried. This is the custom. The fact is hidden that the king is ill; the information is hidden from outside peoples (izizwe) who might otherwise attack.15 People are informed of the death only when burial is about to occur. For months the king is said to dunguzela, i.e. be ill. The word dunguzela is never used of anyone but the inkosi. After the king is dead, but before the information is made public, black oxen, those for the purification (umgando), are slaughtered day by day.

Only the oldest men are selected to watch the king’s body. Bones and fat are burnt in the hut to prevent the smell of the corpse from being noticed.

In Swaziland the king was kept for a long time, until all remaining to be buried were the bones.

Cetshwayo’s body was kept for 2 months at Eshowe and taken off on the 3rd on the understanding that C. was to be buried at Kiyaza, the name of Dabulamanzi’s kraal at Entumeni.306 The corpse was put into a coffin and carried off in Rambangana’s (Kolwa) waggon.16 On reaching Entumeni the princes passed on at once to Nkandhla. Their object was evidently to get to a stronghold where they could gradually collect a very large force and fight against amambuka, i.e. Hatshi, Mbuzo, Mavumengwana, Siyunguza, Nonzama, Mgitshwa, Yamela etc., after this to attack Zibebu.307 That was the plan. True enough, many Zulus joined them at Nkandhla and fighting occurred.

At Nkandhla the body was kept for another two months. I was sent by Osborn on two occasions with Nozitshina and found burial had not occurred. It was to occur the very day of my second visit. The princes would not see us for they accused the white people of having killed C.17 They said John Shepstone had bought poison and gave it to Sikota ka Mpande, who handed to Malimade and he poisoned C. with it.308

The impi broke out at Nkandhla - they fought against Hatshi, Yamela, Siyunguza Mavumengwana; 20 or 30 of Hatshi’s men were killed.

The waggon was broken up and buried or placed on the tomb. The oxen belonging to Hambangana were killed, all, I believe, for they had carried the king and killed for that reason. Hambangana was never paid for this. Afterwards killed during 1888 disturbances (testicles struck) on ground he was Natal man. Case tried, men convicted. Murder of Tonqe [?] at same time.

Was present when 10-15 of C.’s wives went to Sir M. Osborn’s to kill him. They went to say, ‘Give us our husband. He was killed by you with medicine from Misjana.30918 You took him out of the forest at Nkandhla, saying that you would protect him. Give us, then, the place where you protected him.’ As soon as they came, O. entered house. O.’s horse was saddled and taken to side where women did not see it. Women entered by front door. They waited for O. to come that day but he passed out by side door. They were not armed - may have had something. Intended breaking his neck. Jack O. was present (Mxakaza).

They caught Nozitshina and lifted him up - felt it very nice, he said, women carrying him. They wanted to know of him where O. was. They dropped him at door as soon as they saw Osborn.

Jack O. must have warned his father of the women coming. Matendeka may also have been present.

19 Tshaka’s funeral could not have taken place at once as his things had to be collected from various amakanda and that would take time.

Mpande’s body was not buried for some months. He was said to dunguzela.

Nandi was buried at the Mateko; cf. ‘I swear by Nandi at the Mateko’, i.e. near Mpehlela and Maqwakazi hills and Mhlatuze. She certainly died in Zululand.

(Mateko is a tributary of Mhlatuze. Grave is nearer Mpehlela than Maqwakazi.)310

The site of Bulawayo kraal near Mpehlela hill is still pointed out by men in Zululand. It was of enormous size.

When Cetshwayo died, the princes Ndabuko, Mahanana, Ziwedu, Tshingana, Dabulamanzi and leading men asked if European troops could be given to accompany corpse to Mahlabatini, i.e. Makosini district. This application could not be acceded to.

20 Dinuzulu’s original name was uMareyana as’ Ondini. He continued for some years to go by this name, but men remarked that it sounded too much like that of a commoner, so it was changed to that of Dinuzulu, resembling such names as Mehlokazulu, Bekuzulu etc., sons of Sirayo.

Dinuzulu was umlandwana, his mother being a concubine.311

Mpuhlana ka Ndosi lives near eMateko and oNgoye where Nandi’s grave is, also site of Bulawayo.312

Sir M. Osborn suggested that C. should be buried at Eshowe. The princes stoutly refused to do this on the ground that the place was one occupied by an umkwenyana.313 It so happened that Popoza, daughter of Mpande, and own sister of Sukani, had married Mfokazi ka Sikonyana.21 This Mfokazi had died and Popoza had

been ngena’d by Ntshingwayo ka Sikonyana ka Ngqungqulu, Ntshingwayo being the well-known fat man.314 This reason about umkwenyana was, however, only a fictitious one; what the princes wanted was to get to Makosini or at least Nkandhla and then bring on further warfare.

The King’s grave is of enormous proportions, as big as igebe, i.e. a hole for trapping elephants or hippopotami.

Assegais are not buried with the deceased, but new hafts are inserted after his death. New shields (izihlangu) are not buried, though well-worn ones would be.

Hambangana was never paid for his services in conveying C.’s corpse to Nkandhla, nor compensated for loss of his waggon and oxen.

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Two ihlambo expeditions are sent out in connection with a royal death, viz. a black one and a white one.22 Latterly these expeditions, owing to political considerations, resolved themselves into hunts on a large scale. Sir T. Shepstone would not allow Swazis to be attacked.

It is morally certain that there is already a general belief among the Zulus that Dinuzulu has been poisoned or put to death by the Europeans.315

Amahlambo. The black ihlambo is sent out first, whilst everything is still dark and sorrowful, but after the deceased has been buried. This ihlambo, consisting of regiments, goes to wash away the umnyama.316 It did not go any great distance. The white ihlambo meant a more determined and elaborate attack on another state; involves killing of people, seizing cattle. This ihlambo was for ‘washing of the spears’ with the blood of other people.

When King is buried there is no loud lamentation of ‘Maye!’ as in case of ordinary people.23 What is done is to sing (ruba) chants, war chants. This chanting goes on whilst the body is being conveyed to the grave and during actual interment. A man is buried facing gateway of kraal and not in such a way as to turn his back on those in the kraal, for then his idhlozi would turn his back on them. There is no regulation about facing sunrise; the custom depends simply on the direction in which the kraal is facing.

Kings are buried in kraals - their own.

Burial takes place in left-hand side of kraal, not right or kohlo side, and the man is buried in the hut on the left next to the chief hut. Sometimes the chief hut itself may be selected.

The kraal will not be vacated until some future date when it appears desirable to do so in the ordinary course. The grass will not be burnt. Trees will be planted, viz. 24 umsinsi, umhlonhlo, umumbu, i.e. trees which grow from sticks being stuck in ground.317

There was no kraal where Cetshwayo was buried, but as soon as he was buried a kraal was built on the spot. This was for the regiments to live in and others whose duty it was ‘to look after’ the king.

In case of Dinuzulu this would be done. If buried at Nobamba, he would go into a hut; if buried at Emakosini, then a kraal would spring up there and be there for a couple of years or so until all ceremonies in connection with the funeral are over.

A toad is thrown into a grave in the case of one who, having been in a trance, has come to life again. The toad is put in in the hope that the person who was to have been buried there will recover, with the help of the idhlozi.

A toad is not thrown in with a corpse and buried with it.

25 Government proposes to limit the people who may take part in the funeral to Dinuzulu’s own kraals, or those of near relatives only.

The trees are planted at the time the burial takes place, i.e. poles of trees that are likely to grow are planted. They are not planted merely when the kraal is being vacated.

Ntombela, Biyela, Egazini and Emgazini are sections of Zulu tribe from which men spoken of as oyise or oyisemkulu might be chosen to bury Dinuzulu.318 In old

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days these men would either be put to death on the ground that they would give food to the heir with bad hands (izandhl’ ezibi), for they had handled his father when dead. They might be permitted to go and konza in some far-off district. As many as 20 might be employed for the actual burial. The corpse is carefully propped up in the grave, formerly with dead bodies of izinceku, now with stones (these dead izinceku had their necks broken; they were not stabbed).

26 I have not heard of girls being buried, alive or otherwise, with Tshaka.

A man is never buried alive with a corpse, but killed by having his neck twisted.

Umgando from ganda - to gqiba or lahla.319 This refers to izinceku that are killed and buried with the king, also to the black oxen which are killed when the king is dead and when his funeral takes place.

Cetshwayo, when dead, had a gall-bladder of a goat stuck in his hair on right temple, to accompany him, so that he should go well. This done before being put in coffin. The coffin was tied up with oxhides. It burst. It was supported with earth. The earth later was carried and thrown into grave at Nkandhla.

29.3.1914

File 9, item 51 addendum, pp. 1-4.

1 Socwatsha.

In 1873 I was in Durban. I met Peni ka Dubuyana who worked for Nsokonsokwana (Shepstone). Told me of the coronation. [Includes other versions.]320 He had been present. He said Somsewu arrived and put up at Emtonjaneni. Sirayo ka Xongo and Ntshingwayo ka Mahole, Sitshaluze ka Mamba and many other great men arrived and met Sir T.S. Sir T.S. refused to meet them. He wanted to see his, Cetshwayo’s, mnawa.321 They went back. They returned again to Sir T.S. When S. asked which was C.’s younger brother they said, ‘He is not here; only the izinduna are present.’ Sir T.S. persisted that he must be met by Cetshwayo’s mnawa, ‘for you invited me to come and appoint your inkosi’. Again they returned to C. The 3rd time they returned they had Zibebu with them. S. said, ‘Do you come with him?’ i.e. C.’s mnawa. They said, ‘Yebo nkosi!’ ‘ Which is he?’ They then pointed out Zibebu. S. said, ‘Let him stand up so I may see him.’ Z. stood up. S.: ‘Are you Mpande’s son?’ The men said, ‘No! He is Mapita’s son. C. has sent him to say that if he was not to reign Z. would reign in his stead.’ For at Ndondakusuka, Mapita, head of the Amankentshana (i.e. Mapita’s men who had chased off the Izigqoza) had nominated C. as heir to Mpande. Somsewu agreed on seeing Zibebu; he then went to Ondini.

2 Neither Mpande nor D. were kings. T. was, and T. far greater than Senzangakona. C. was Tshaka’s son. I think they (Sidindi and Sirayo) said this because regarding Sir T.S. as C.’s father, the father who begot (zala’d) him.

Mpande said Mbuyazi is Tshaka’s son, for Monase was an isixebe of Tshaka.322

Isihlonti - had hair like Tshaka, at lower back (iqolo).323

The princes (Cetshwayo, Hamu, Ziwedu, Mantantashiya and others) in Swazi impi (before Ndondakusuka) had members of enemy caught for them;324 they each stabbed as man was held, but Mbuyazi stabbed for himself, as a warrior. Hence Mpande’s desire that he should succeed, being so like Tshaka, moreover tall, and athletic.

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The ifa was Tshaka’s (ot’ esadhl’ ezinye wadhl’ ezinye), but he left no heir;325 neither Dingana nor Mpande was his heir. But C. was, for he had taken Mbuyazi’s place.

A man is carried to be eqa’d.326 Mbuyazi not carried, said to be too far gone.

Man hiding face with shield when in presence of Mbuyazi all took part in his death fled and went to other countries afraid. C.: ‘You have courage (isibindi) like Mbopa.’327

3 Isandhlwana and Ombane impis. ‘Son of Sonzica, you have poured inkovu on your head today. Now we shall see’ - said by C. when addressing his troops when they went forth.328

Zulus all thought Somsewu was the great king of Europeans [vide above remark].329 They knew nothing of the Queen at that time.

Zulus heard that Boers had defeated Dingana by means of guns - fearful weapons - and that the Boers had themselves been defeated by British, hence their position of ascendancy over the Zulus, and hence Somsewu being regarded as Tshaka.

Embassy to Cape by Tshaka.330

Messengers in Mpande’s and C.’s day used to be sent to konza Somsewu. He never sent to Zululand to konza there.

Somsewu ordered Mpande not to attack the amaSwazi. ‘If you attack the Swazi you will be attacking me.’ Mpande obeyed and the Swazis had peace. They were afraid to attack Swazis seeing that the great bird - bigger than them - had spoken; were they to disobey they would be killed.

4 S. was made Tshaka really when the envoys were sent to ask him to come and crown Cetshwayo. They came to konza by making such request - and the request resembled asking for uzwati.331

All the things used at the coronation were afterwards burned by the Zulus, as it was thought they might in some way have come in contact with Mbuyazi and so contaminated.

10.4.1916 - <evidence given 9 & 10.4.1916>

File 70, pp. 112-16.

112 The story of Sirayo ka Mapoloba of the Nyuswa people.

On 9th and 10th April 1916, Socwatsha gave the following information in regard to the Nyuswa tribe. The incidents referred to took place in the reign of Tshaka.

The great Nyuswa chief Mapoloba became quite an old man before appointing his son and heir. Sirayo, Mgabi and other of his sons had become headringed men. ‘You are getting old. Can you tell us who your successor (inkosana) will be?’ This was asked by Nkeneza ka Ngcenge ka Mpipa, his great induna. Other izinduna also

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asked it. He replied, ‘Nyuswa people, do you not know that the girl will come from the Embo people, from the people of Gcwabe, the girl who will bear your chief?’ Nkeneza told all the Nyuswa, the men and the brothers of Mapoloba - for his brothers were numerous - what the chief had said. The men said, ‘O! Ehe! Nkeneza tells us well. None of us Nyuswa progeny (uzalo) knew who our chief would be.’ They sent off to choose a wife among the Embo, a daughter of Gcwabe and sister of Zihlandhlo. I do not know the name of the daughter of Gcwabe. She came to marry the chief and lobolo was given for her.

When lobolo was given for the daughter of the chief, enough cattle were separated off to fill a valley, to cover the valley bottom (isihlambo). Then people came to dance (sina). The designation (ukubekwa) of the girl as the one who would bear the chief took place while she was still among her own people (kubo), while lobolo was still being given. When she came to dance, it was known that she would be the chief wife. For the cattle which were given for her lobolo did not come from the chief alone; they came from all the great men, those who were the main ‘supports’ (izinsika) of the umuzi, the izinduna, and the abanumzana who ruled their own valleys. The girl’s dancing-party (iketo) was carrying war shields (izihlangu) and wearing headbands (imiqele) as if they were going to war. When the girl began the dance-song, she danced with the people from her place, those who had come with her. Then the great induna, the induna of the chief she was marrying, came forward and gave her a stick and the umsila of a shield, an umsila plaited like the one from a shield. 332 When he gave the stick and the umsila to the girl, she was shown the people of Mapoloba. She was told, ‘These are your people. We give you this umuzi, daughter of Gcwabe; we say it is yours. Here is the stick for beating the amabuto. This assembly (umkumbi) of Mapoloba’s is yours.’ (The stick and the umsila are handed to the bride by the induna.) Then he took her by the arm and walked her among the amabuto; they had come up close. As they came up, they sang the great ihubo of their people, the one which was greater than all other amahubo.333 Then they took her away from the people of Gcwabe and went off with her.113 They were singing, grouped in their amaviyo.334 They went with her into the home, for the dancing had taken place outside. She was told, ‘We give you this stick. We say you must beat these amaviyo (those of the Nyuswa), for they are yours.’ As the amaviyo went forward, in a broad column (enz’ umzila), she took the stick and struck at them; she beat on their shields. She struck all the columns, all the amaviyo, forwards and backwards. As she struck, they continued to sing. They whistled shrilly as the umlobokazi beat at them.335 They whistled everywhere; they whistled as the singing continued. Then the iketo party returned with her and came to where the dancing was to take place. The umtimba had returned to the upper end, the whole umtimba.336 The iketo went down to the lower end and proceeded to put on its dancing dress (qubula). The people had been organized by the izinduna to stand in their izigaba.337 They formed a space inside. The girl was led into it. The chief too was inside it. He too danced. The space was formed by the izinduna and abanumzana, those of high birth (bo ku zalwa) and those of the valleys, those who had grown up there. The girl was not standing up; she was leaning (ncikana) against the chief. The izikulu passed through the space between them.

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This is the practice with all the original chiefs (amakos’ ohlanga) - done to prevent anything in the nature of a succession dispute (umbango) later.

Among the Zulus (i.e. in the Zulu tribe) a king would make himself ruler by force (ngamandhla), like Tshaka and Dingane and Cetshwayo. They lobola’d with their inheritance (ifa), the product of their strength. Senzangakona appointed Sigujwana as heir. I don’t know if Sigujwana’s mother was lobola’d by the whole Zulu tribe. It is, I know, the practice of the amaLala people for all the tribe to contribute to the lobolo of the inkosikazi.

Although, when he married his chief wife, Mapoloba was already a very old man, the woman conceived and bore a son of the name of Miswayo. Mapoloba then died, but shortly afterwards, Miswayo died too, so there was no heir after all. Sirayo and Mgabi now began to banga, i.e. contended as to which of them should succeed. Mapoloba’s principal induna Nkeneza summoned them to Mapoloba’s chief kraal, Ngazingani (‘How should I know?’), for the purpose of adjudicating in the matter. The followers of Mgabi now made a plot to put Sirayo to death, and decided that the best way of doing so, and so putting an end to the dispute, was to assassinate him when at the induna’s kraal. The most expert thrower of an assegai, one who when a buck came in sight never failed to strike it, was accordingly sought for among them and found, a man named Sihlanu.114 The two parties, fully armed, carrying their large war-shields proceeded to the rendezvous as arranged. Sirayo sat down with his followers, he and they placing their shields with the hair-side on the ground, so as to be ready for immediate use in case of necessity. Nearby sat Mgabi and his party. The proceedings had barely started in the presence of the induna, when Sihlanu, assegai in hand, quickly stood up and, in an instant threw the spear at Sirayo. But it missed and pierced the shield that lay at his side on the ground. The assembly immediately broke up, the two parties forthwith engaging in a deadly struggle. It was not until many had been killed on both sides that Sirayo’s warriors succeeded in chasing the others off. Sihlanu himself escaped.

As the parties could not be reconciled, Tshaka, hearing of what had occurred - for the dispute went on for a long time - directed them to appear before him, each to be fully attired in war-dress, namely what they guba’d in before Mapoloba.338 Both parties accordingly proceeded to Bulawayo, where Tshaka ordered them to form up in a single semicircle (umkumbi) thus:

Sirayo stood in the centre of his party at A, Mgabi at B, the two lots joining at C. Whilst so standing, the King had his dog, a particular one with a name, the dog for choosing chiefs (injayo ku bek’amakosi), brought to the spot. The dog moved to the end of the line at D and began smelling. It walked along the line sniffing at the men, and when it got to Mgabi sniffed him too and went on doing likewise past C until it got to Sirayo. It did not, however, sniff Sirayo or go beyond him; it lay down at once on the ground in front of him at E. Now all this took place in the presence of the King.

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Sirayo was wearing feathers of the loury, Mgabi was wearing feathers of the mousebird. Tshaka said, ‘Has there ever been a chief who wore mousebird feathers? The chief is the one who is wearing feathers of the loury.’ For the king had told them to put on the finery they wore for the umkosi, and they had done so.

The King, basing his judgment on the dog’s having refrained from smelling Sirayo and on the fact that he wore the loury feathers whilst the other had the mousebird feathers, decided in favour of Sirayo. No sooner had he done so, than he said that Mgabi would have to be put to death. Sirayo at once interceded for his brother’s life, saying ‘He is my father’s son; he was only disputing with me, I would not like him to be killed.’ Mgabi was therefore allowed to live. After this, Tshaka appointed Sirayo induna over oBadeneni, one of T.’s kraals (in Nyuswa district), and directed him to make up a parcel of tobacco from time to time and bring it to him (the King).115 The tobacco that grew about the Mamba was famous for its excellent properties.

Sirayo complied with the order about tobacco for some years, but eventually Nomazocwana ka Ndela and Mgabi, still bearing malice in their hearts, ota’d or conspired together against Sirayo. Nomazocwana and Mgabi went and spoke thus to Tshaka: ‘Sirayo first of all washes over the tobacco which the king ordered to be brought to him. Then he ties it up and brings it to you.’ In those days chiefs foolishly gave credence to ex parte statements. ‘You speak the truth,’ said Tshaka. ‘It is clear. Sirayo has a great itunzi. When he approaches, when I see him coming with the assembly (ibandhla) over which I appointed him, I am overcome by fear. I made him my induna at oBadaneni’ [site to left of road going from Fort Yolland to Ntunjambili, and close to Ndondondwana Drift on the Tugela].339 ‘The people whom he rules, those of oBadaneni, overcame all my assemblies; they are fierce; they are brave. They fight with no isigaba. Those whom he rules are fierce people. What is he aiming to do? Let an impi go out and kill him.’ An impi duly went out to put him to death. They surrounded him. They knew that the people ruled by Sirayo were angry and powerful. The impi accordingly went, fought and, by their far greater numbers, overpowered and chased Sirayo and his men to the Tugela, where they drove Sirayo and his men into a deep pool in the river. The pool is called kwa Nabane. To this day, the Nyuswa people swear, ‘I swear by the chief at the Tukela!’ or ‘I swear by the chief at kwa Nabane!’ and, when forced so to swear, must be extremely incensed.

Tshaka’s impi was a large one. A desperate struggle took place at the pool, but T.’s impi drove them into the pool by force, i.e. by simply pushing them along by brute force or sheer weight of numbers.

<9 or 10.4.1916>

File 42, nbk. 30, pp. 9-10.

9 Sirayo was a very tall, fine-looking man, whereas Mgabi was very short, so short that many of the tribe refused, as many of them said, ‘to be governed by a man who is only the size of an isiduli’ (anthill).

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Some time after Sirayo’s murder, his death was avenged by Sirayo’s son Dubuyana who put Mgabi to death.

10 Now it was a tribal practice with the Nyuswas to use the oil of the castor oil plant. This was generally known among other tribes. It was because of this therefore, and apropos of the foregoing incident, that Tshaka was bonga’d in these terms:

The one who stamped on the dispute among the Nyuswa people,

Among the Nyuswa there was no dispute,

They disputed over the castor oil plants at the sites of old homes.340

10.4.1916 - <evidence given 9 & 10.4.1916>

File 70, p. 115-16.

115 Story of Ndengezi.

Ndengezi ka Kuzwayo of the Mdhlalose people was one of Tshaka’s great warriors (amaqawe). Tshaka promised to give him as many cattle as would fill an isigodi if he hlabanela’d,341 i.e. the first to get in among the enemy when the battle started. This was probably apropos of the attack Tshaka contemplated making on the Ndwandwe tribe, then under Sikunyana.342 The army went forth. Ndengezi got his opportunity and used it. He hlabanela’d and succeeded in chasing off those immediately opposed to him. Later on, when the troops got back to Bulawayo, he claimed his reward. Tshaka gave him a lot of cattle but not as many as could fill the isigodi.116 Being dissatisfied with the gift, he distributed the cattle among his immediate followers. As soon as Tshaka heard of this, he sent for Ndengezi and asked him what he meant by doling out to others cattle he had himself been presented with by Tshaka. Ndengezi, in reply, admitted it was a fact that he had given the cattle away but this was owing to the fact that when he hlabanela’d he had trodden on many thorns; these had stuck into his feet and it had been necessary to get the men who accompanied him to pull them out. They assisted him to pull out the thorns, hence he felt he ought to reward them. When Tshaka heard this he was angry. ‘I see you did this because you were dissatisfied with my action. Owing to this you ought to be put to death, but I bear in mind that you are one of my qawes, and therefore will not put you to death. My sentence is “Hamb’ udhliwe intaba”,’343 i.e. he was banished. Ndengezi went back to his kraal, killed cattle, made an igabe,344 i.e. cooked the meat on the same day that the beasts had been slaughtered, and selecting two or three of his younger women, went off with them and such belongings as they and his matbearers could carry, including cattle for consumption on the journey. He is believed to have gone to tender his allegiance to one of the Basuto chiefs to the north of Zululand,

Mshweshwe, Maboko or Mgombana, where he prospered and succeeded in building up a small tribe.

Ndengezi was bonga’d as Ndengezi-mashumi, but this epithet does not belong to this man, it is common to all men of that name. One of the same name, no doubt sick

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of being given praises common to many, insisted on being bonga’d as ‘Ndengezi-magolo’!345

<9 or 10.4.1916>

File 42, item 30, p. 2.

2 [This is the case Weli once told me of when I visited Bulawayo three years ago.346 Socwatsha agrees that Weli might well have done so, being a relation of Ndengezi. (See p. 52 of Black Nbk.)]

11.4.1916

File 42, item 30, pp. 16-20.

16 11.4.1916 (probably Socwatsha).

Amatanga for cattle.347

Emagumbini onk’ omhlabati348

Nhlwengas did not keep cattle.349 ‘They bring war onto us’ (zi si bangel’ impi).

Tshaka never juba’d girls. It was Dingana who did this.

Tshaka directed his troops not to soma, for the girls were finishing off the strength of his men; they were unable to cross mountains. He would grant permission for a time and then withdraw it.

‘Amehl’ amhlope!’ (Hlopeza.) When greeting those who have returned from impi one says, ‘Amehl’ amhlope’, not ‘Saku bona’. Said because he has returned in a state of ‘whiteness’ (emhlope), i.e. not been killed or severely wounded by the enemy.350

It was Dingana started ukujuba custom.

Umsweli - a man not married whereas those of his age are married.

Inkomo ye gabe - he killed a beast and made an igabe, i.e. a beast killed and eaten the same day without being taken to a hut for the night.

17 What was the nature of land tenure in the various tribes? Were men in these tribes subject, as under the Zulu regime, to being smelt out and killed? Was not tenure more secure and what was that tenure?

How was tenure varied under the Zulu Kings’ regime? What would have been the tenure had Europeans not come till 50 years later than they did?

The effect of Delagoa Bay on the Zulus.

Land tenure generally.

Native states

What is it Natives most appreciate by belonging to a state of their own, as apart from European control?

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Were they formed in a state would they not fight with their governors, especially on their subjects going to konza the European govt.?

Izibongo. Have all men got izibongo? When are izibongo uttered?

‘Wen’o wa kula be libele’, and others like these.351 Collect.

18 Greetings for chiefs of the uhlanga (izikuleko zamakos’ ohlanga).

16 Great Luhlanga! (Luhlang’ olu kulu!)

17 Luhlanga of the land! (Luhlanga lwezwe!)

4 Nkosi! Nkosikazi! Nkosazana! Nkosana!

3 Gumede!

2 Ndabezita!

1 Bayede!

23(a) Live for ever, Nkosi! (Mana, nkosi!)

10 Eater up of men! (Ndhlamadoda!)

11 Ndhlazita! Ngasita! (Eater up of enemies. Ngasita is a shortened form of the word.)

5 Great lion! (Ngonyama!)

6 Dread beast! (Silo!)

22 You who grew great while others delayed! (Wen’o wa kula be libele!)

23 You who are as great as the mountains! (Wen’o ngang’ ezintaba!)

11(a) You who are black! (Wen’ omnyama!) even when of reddish complexion.

12 The one who stands for ever in the land! (Simakade sezwe!)

13 The one who stands for ever in the earth! (Simakade somhlabati!) - i.e. like a stone.

18 Father, heavens which are above! (Baba, izulu eli pezulu!)

8 Male leopard! (Ngwenduna!) - a male leopard.

24 Grow in greatness, dread beast! Be as great as the mountains! (Tutuka, silo! U be ngang’ ezintaba).

25 Grow in greatness, nkosi! Be as great as the heavens above! (Tutuka nkos’ u be ngang’ ezul’ elipezulu!)

19 You who are as great as the sea! (Wen’o ngang’ olwandhle!)

14 Child of the elephant! (Zinyane - nkonyana - lendhlovu!) - said to Princes.

15 Child of the dread beast! (Nkonyana yesilo!) - said to Princes.

4(a) She-elephant! (Ndhlovukazi!) - said to a Queen.

19 …<Praises of Sihayo kaMapholoba omitted - eds.>

20 Bird which devours others! (Nyon’ edhl’ ezinye!)

21 Bayede! You who are between the back and the carrying-skin (Bayede! Wena wa pakati kwomhlana ne mbeleko) - a man who is in great favour with the king would be between the back and the carrying-skin, beneath the tail of the beast (pansi kwomsila we silo).

7 Mnguni of the people of our place! (Mnguni wa kiti!) - Zulu tribe sibongo. The Swazis speak of all the Zulu people as abanguni.

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26 You who are as great as the shadows of the mountains! (Wen’o ngang’ amatunz’ ezintaba!)

9 Eater of the gourd! (Ndhlal’ uselwa!) - who eats the uselwa gourd after it has been cooked.

These are greetings of the chiefs of the uhlanga, i.e. the foregoing.

Superstition. The uselwa gourd does not cook properly if cooked by a man just appointed chief, his father and grandfather etc. not having been hereditary chiefs. The uselwa only of a chief of the uhlanga will get cooked, i.e. get quite soft, whilst the other remains hard.

20 ‘Father, sun of the heavens, great one of the heavens, you of the uhlanga!’ For he dabuka’d down below in the uhlanga.352 A reed burst and a section of humanity came out of it; another section sprang from another reed, and so on for the rest. All came from reeds. But they did not spring from one bed of reeds but from a bed of reeds in the districts they respectively occupied ab initio.

Woman who had just had baby went to reeds, found pumpkin, took home, ate, got fat, others saw and did likewise.

U ya bongela, u ya zitsho, i.e. he is singing praises.

When king gives a present he is bonga’d by an imbongi. He is given itwani to eat, with its inanzi - the inanzi is the mouth of the itwani.353 That is the portion of the imbongi. If 10 cattle killed, every itwani would go to one imbongi if there is only one, but they would be divided equally if there are 3 imbongis of equal rank, but imbongis were usually of different rank.

When one hears praises being sung out he concludes that the king has … <The rest of the original is missing – eds.>

15.4.1916? 16.4.1916?

File 58, nbk. 24, pp. 31-45.

31 Socwatsha ka Papu (now approximately 64 years of age).

In old days, it was customary for very large kraals to be constructed. This was done for mutual protection against sudden attack. These kraals were called amanxuluma. Hence they were really villages. Thus people lived together in large numbers, and although the district was a small one it supported a large population.

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The districts said formerly to have been occupied by amaNgongoma (of Bovungana ka Mavela), amaNyuswa and amaQadi, which I know well, could not nowadays support all the members now living of these respective tribes. When I argue thus with members of our tribe they point out that formerly there were no small kraals,32 there were these great amanxuluma. Hence though the old districts may be too small yet, with the closer living in amanxuluma, they would be capable of supporting a much larger population.

A feature of Zulu government is that the abanumzana living under any given chief all exercise proprietary rights over the land they occupy, so much so that if a new-comer applies to live under the chief and give him his allegiance, the chief is obliged to make special arrangements with the particular headman on whose land the man wishes to live. The headman in question will object to accommodate the newcomer unless he submits and konza’s the headman himself - policy which means that he is then etula’d to and acts as intermediary in all matters between the newcomer and the chief. The chief does not own more land than his kraals happen to be on, hence he must apply to his headmen if he wants to locate a newcomer on any part of his tribal domain. The land, as a matter of fact, all belongs to the King, but the headmen of each tribe have rights which in practice are greatly respected. It is very rarely that a chief goes counter to his headman’s wish and forces a newcomer to live on a particular piece of land not already his own,33 or nominally his own.

This procedure must be clearly noted.

Many of the abanumzana have occupied the land they live on for many generations.

There used to be serious quarrels about land and these would be referred to King if people had got hurt. In course of inquiry, the King might ascertain that a headman acted as dog in the manger, or as the King put it, ‘Are you throwing away my war-shield?’ He would say, ‘Has there ever been a man who, when carrying a load and bearing a war-shield, comes to another man’s place and says, “Help me put down my load,” and is told, “Move on”? Has it ever been that he is not told, “Put down your load and build your house here”? Are you now removing the cloak which I am wearing?’ (For in the Zulu country it was said that men were the cloak with which he covered himself.) The man would then build there, for the king had given his answer. [See p. 34 for continuation.]354

‘The one who is not spoken of has spoken,

The mouth which does not speak lies’

- said of all Zulu kings.355

The practice was, say when impi was called, for the messenger to shout from one hill what the order is, adding the foregoing phrase. This must then be passed on from kraal to kraal. People begin to move about and that unusual sight itself suggests asking what it is about. Hence all come to hear the order, although not originally heard by more than a couple of kraals. The responsibility devolved on these to pass on to others.34 In Natal, practice is for every individual to be warned personally. This, Socwatsha thinks, is due to ukubusa, i.e. a too lenient and easy-going government.356

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If man, as said above, acted as dog in the manger, the King would answer on the lines above mentioned [p. 33], whereupon action would be taken on lines suggested by the King.

No complaint about not granting sites for people to live on was taken to King. It went to him only when it had assumed a criminal aspect, i.e. a fight had occurred. It is then only that King would deal incidentally with the land question.

Umhlalandhlini - izinceku of the king, always with the king.357

35 Uvel’ enkosini; udhlamile; uxoloxolo - said of a man who, when shouted for, at royal kraal, fails for some reason to answer to his name (perhaps goes off deliberately to river to wash, whilst the calling goes on).358 He does this (perhaps girls have arrived from his district with food) for them to see what a man of importance he is at the royal kraal. They would then speak to one another something of the foregoing nature.

‘Nang’ uSocwatsha ka Papu bo!’ ‘Mungane, kuyezwakala.’359

Any man who was called to the upper end (nga pezulu, nga senhla) was most respected and feared, lest he should tell tales about people to the King and get them killed. He would consequently assume great airs on getting to his kraal from the very fact of its being known he had been called ngasenhla.

A girl hearing of a man being called ngasenhla would run away (balekela) to him when permitted to marry (jutshwa), even if she has not been engaged to or courted by him.

15.4.1916. [Entered, Book of Stories.]360 Statement (per Socwatsha) from Lutoluni ka Zucu of the Lamule people.361 Lives at eMbikwe below the Qudeni. Regiment: Umdhlenevu. Chief: Mtshinane.362 Apropos of Sir Theophilus Shepstone’s visit to Zululand after Ndondakusuka battle.

[Read in connection with this the statement in Ilanga lase Natal of 24.3.1916, p. 5, col. 2. Read also what Xubu ka Luduza says in his statement to me of 26.5.1912.]363

36 Somsewu went off to the Zulu country. He crossed the Tukela at the oDhlokweni drift and then made for Emtonjaneni. He began at Mpande’s at kwa Nodwengu; Mpande was still living. He said to Mpande, ‘I come to mourn for your sons who died at Ndondakusuka. Some of your sons ran away to me, together with their mothers, your wives. For my part, I rule over all of you (ngi ni pete nonke); those who did the killing are my people, and those who were killed are mine. I mourn for them all. But those who ran away to me are suffering from need. They have two needs, there among your wives. One is for food; the other is for their children who

112

remained here. For they are with me, these people of yours. I, the father of them all, say that matters should be put in order for the mothers; they are crying for their children. And their children, those who are with you, are crying for their mothers.’

Then he said, ‘I shall go on to Cetshwayo; I shall mourn for him too.’ Mpande

37 ‘Go, then, to Cetshwayo. The matter will not be decided by me. I would have given you the children. There are cattle too. I would have given you the children. It is good that you should go and cry at Cetshwayo’s.’ He said, ‘You too know that when the bull gets old it is overcome by its calf.’

Somsewu left, and went to Cetshwayo’s. He was accompanied by his induna, Ngoza, and men from his place whom Lutoluni did not name. When he arrived at Cetshwayo’s he began by saying, ‘My child (Mntanami), I have come to mourn with you for the deaths of the sons of your father.’ Cetshwayo remained silent. Somsewu did not begin by raising the matter of fetching the children. ‘Wo! And the old women whom I live with at Mgungundhlovu,364 their mothers, I report about them; they are badly in need.’ He was trying to find a way of asking Cetshwayo for cattle for them. Then Somsewu said, ‘Wo! Where are the children of Monase, where are the people of Batonyile?’ He said, ‘Here is Ngoza, who has been sent by the mothers to see for them, and to give their greetings (konza).’ Then Cetshwayo said, ‘There they are in the hut, in the isigodhlo.’ 38 So Ngoza went off to see them; an inceku went to show him. He met them and spoke with them, conveying greetings from their mothers. The izinceku were present, those of the children of the king. They were divided into two camps (umriba, umribato), for some obeyed Cetshwayo while others obeyed Mpande. Ngoza then returned. Lutoluni did not know what he said to the children of the king.

Cetshwayo then said to Somsewu, ‘Go, then, and make your camp (ngenisa). I shall inform the men of the Zulu country.’ He went off to set up camp at his wagons, where the wagons had been outspanned. The Zulu people assembled on the day decided by Cetshwayo when he was speaking to the people of his place. One day had passed.

When Somsewu was called he came up. He said, ‘I ask for the children, because I have come to mourn; 39 you are all my people. This matter of killing one another, I am not going to go into it.’

Then Cetshwayo came up. He said, ‘ Stand up, Ngoza!’ Ngoza did so. Cetshwayo said, ‘What were you doing there in the isigodhlo?’ Somsewu said, ‘Hau! Did he go in of his own accord, then? He asked permission.’ Cetshwayo said, ‘Be silent, white man. I am not talking to you; I am talking to my father’s people. There are many of them with you. They are not yours; they are mine.’ He said, ‘I am asking you,

Ngoza, what were you doing?’ Somsewu came forward and replied, ‘Why do you persist in contradicting Ngoza and asking him what he was doing wrong in the isigodhlo? Are you saying that he went to court the girls, your sisters, when he has left so many girls at Mgungundhlovu? He did not go there to court the girls; he went to convey greetings from their mothers.’

Then the princes (abantwana) Hamu and Ziwedu came forward. They said, ‘We hear it said that you have come to fetch the children, like someone who has defeated another.’ 40 Somsewu said, ‘Be silent, Hamu and Ziwedu. I shall answer you in what I say. It could happen that tomorrow I will be surprised to see you come to me,

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saying that you have been destroyed by Cetshwayo, like those Izigqoza who came to me after being destroyed. Tomorrow it could happen this way.’

Then Somopo said,365 ‘Here, white man! Have you come to fetch the children of Monase? When the princes were killing one another at Ndondakusuka, what were they fighting about? Were they not fighting over these children? Did not each say that he was king? Did not the stronger one defeat the other? Did he not take his inheritance (ifa)? These children of the house of Mbuyazi, white man, you will only take them when we are dead.’366

Somsewu said, ‘No, Zulu people! I have come to mourn for Cetshwayo on account of the children of his father. I am not taking sides. If Cetshwayo had been defeated, 41 I would have received him. Then I would have come to Mbuyazi to mourn. And if Mbuyazi had not been killed, and had asked me to assist him, I would on no account have agreed to do so. And if he had overcome you and you had come running to me, I would never have assisted you.’

Then Cetshwayo came forward. ‘I am asking, Ngoza; what were you doing?’ He repeated the question. Ngoza was trembling, like this. [Shows trembling action. Some of Ngoza’s own people, i.e. those of the party, say that he ‘voided’ himself in his trousers.]367

‘Did I not tell you that Ngoza did not go to court the girls, but that he went to convey greetings from the mothers? And that he asked permission and you gave it?’

Again Cetshwayo said, ‘Be silent, white man. I am not talking to you.’ He spat. He said, ‘I scratch up (panda) Nzibe’ (who died at Sotshangana’s). [A form of swearing, using the word panda <for> one dead.]368 ‘I could die only once (a ngahle ngife kanye).’ (The spittle landed near Somsewu.)

42 ‘Hawu! What is it that might kill you here in your own place? You will never tell me, I who have come here to your place.’ He said, ‘Wo! Son of Mpande, you have spat at me in anger, with a threatening expression (nyakeme)’ (for they were standing face to face, looking each other in the eye).369 He said, ‘You know that a hunter who kills a buck, who kills all kinds of buck and the black hyrax, if he kills a white hyrax, his umuzi will cease to prosper and will be destroyed. And the hunter too will not prosper. For my part, I am a white hyrax.’ [In notebook 57 I have Kwa mbila mhlope - [means] nowhere, as there are no white rock-rabbits.]370 He said, ‘If you kill me here, men will come from everywhere, looking for the bones of the white hyrax, there where it died.’

While they were talking, large numbers of Zulu had gathered round; they surrounded him. 43 Others were giyaing; the izinduna were beating them back for they were starting to press forward. The izinduna did not want the amabuto to act on their own without having been told what they were to do with him. They were supposed to act only on the orders of the king, which would be given to them by the izinduna.

Then cattle were brought up. It was said, ‘Here is your piece of bread, white man, for you to eat on the road. There are none of those which you asked for for your people, the wives of Mpande, Monase, MaNgqengelele, etc.’

I have left out the point that when Somsewu first arrived, Cetshwayo presented him with a beast for slaughter. He was given food after his journey and it was cooked for him, before they had spoken.

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Lutoluni said that they left the next day and travelled without stopping. They did not take the route by which they had come, the one which crossed at Dhlokweni. As soon as they had gone up to Mtonjaneni, they made for Taleni, 44 at esikaleni se Bomvu, and then went down to the Tukela. They crossed by the Mtambo drift [name of it]. They then took the route which went to Mgungundhlovana,371 and arrived back at Mgungundlovu.

Lutoluni said that when Somsewu left, the izinduna went to assemble at the entrance to Masipula’s hut. They discussed this matter. They said, ‘Hau! The wild beast (isilokazana) has courage. Even though he saw that the inkosi was angry, he continued to speak. He has great courage. Another man who saw the Zulu people (uZulu) assembled in such large numbers would not have spoken many words. Even when the inkosi was angry, he continued to speak. Even when Cetshwayo was angry and said, “I could die only once,” he spoke out to say that he was a white hyrax. No other man would have spoken all these words. He spoke them because he had45 courage, and was not afraid. He was not fearful; he was not afraid to die.’ They were all amazed, and held their mouths. They said, ‘Hau! The wild beast has courage!’

Lutoluni said that he did not know what Ngoza said in the isigodhlo, for the izinceku were divided among themselves. Did he perhaps tell them that they should run away? Lutoluni thinks that Cetshwayo flared up at Ngoza after having given him permission to go and see the girls because he heard of something that Ngoza had said.

Lutoluni mentioned Masipula. Masipula had replied, ‘No, Dhlamvuzo!372 No!

You are destroying the land.’

Mpande was not present. He was at Nodwengu; he was no longer able to walk. I think that the assembly was held at Ondini, but I did not ask at what umuzi it was held. But it was in the Mahlabatini country.

Lutoluni was present in person when Cetshwayo and Somsewu were speaking.

16.4.1916, Sunday.

File 58, nbk. 24, pp. 47-54.

47 Story of the princess of Zihlandhlo’s tribe who was refused by the Bomvu chief Zombane, and of how Socwatsha’s father Papu came to lose one of his toes.373 [Taken down same day as preceding pp., viz. 16.4.1916 (Sunday).]

My father said that a girl, a sister of Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe of the eMbo people, went off to marry among the Bomvu people; she ‘ran away’ (balekela) to the chief, Zombane [Nzombane - usually spelt without the ‘N’.] The daughter of a chief marries another chief. But he refused her. She came back, for she had been disgraced (telwe ngo mlota).374 Then the abaMbo people heard that he had married a daughter of Jobe (ka Mapita ka Mnyandu, of the Sitole people). He had refused the girl of their people because he preferred the daughter of Jobe. Indeed he married her as soon as he had lobola’d her. The abaMbo said, ‘Ha! So he refused our inkosazana for he was hoping to marry the daughter of Jobe.’ They said they would keep a lookout for the day when her wedding party (umtimba) left the place

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of the Tembu and arrived among the Bomvu.375 Spies were sent to learn when it would go off to perform the dance (sina). Zihlandhlo’s spies learnt of the day when the wedding party would go off. Zihlandhlo then called his impi to arms, and sent it out. He said, ‘I shall hear, men (mabandhla) of the chief; you will be clever and kill Zombane. You must kill him, together with his girl, the one that he likes. Surround all the wedding party so that he shall never forget that he refused the girl of our place. She is not the daughter of a common fellow (umuntu); 48 she too is the daughter of a chief.’

The impi went off. They surrounded the umuzi at dawn. From where he was, my father Papu saw dogs come out from inside the home and cross in front of him. He saw a man following the dogs; the dogs were in front and he was following behind. They were still round the umuzi, for the impi had surrounded it but had not yet attacked, for they said, ‘No, it is still too dark; we shall simply stab one another. Let it become a little lighter.’ This was the practice of every impi, including Tshaka’s, for if it attacked in the dark the men would not recognize one another; they would suddenly find themselves stabbing men of their own impi who had come round the other side of the umuzi. The inyanga of Zombane approached; he had his hair twisted in strings, like a diviner (umngoma). He saw them when he was close up. Papu then attacked him and stabbed him at close quarters; he did not hurl his assegai. He stabbed him and finished him off. Upon this they attacked, going inside49 the home, for now it was beginning to get light. They stabbed girls, men, women, children; they destroyed everything. They stabbed the daughter of Jobe who had come to get married. By the time they had finished their killing the sun had come up. They inspected the bodies and found that the girl was dead. They dragged her body off and threw it into a donga at the edge of Zombane’s umuzi. They dragged away the other bodies and threw them on top of her. The donga was filled up to the top. The umtimba which had come to see the inkosazana married was a large one. Her body ended up underneath the others. They then proceeded to lift the bodies, looking for hers underneath, for when they looked into the donga they could not see hers, only those of her brothers. Then they seized the cattle, the ones which are mentioned in the praises of Zihlandhlo. The impi then returned home.

They heard that those dogs had been following the chief, Zombane. While he was asleep he had dreamt that the impi had come to kill him, and had woken up in fright. He had gone to waken his inyanga and had told him, ‘Follow me with my medicines.’ When my father stabbed the inyanga he had been following the chief. 50 The impi had narrowly missed catching Zombane. They saw the dogs which were following him, but they did not see him, for it was still dark.[Did the dogs not bark at them?]376 Among the bodies they found only the young woman (umlobokazi). They looked for the chief among them but did not find him. They realized that he had escaped.

Then the warriors who had fought well (izingwazi) were picked out; they travelled separately. They were given an inyanga to treat them with medicines (elapa), Gabazana, who elapa’d the great warriors of the whole impi. The Embo impi returned. They returned rejoicing, for they had killed the girl who had surpassed the girl of their place. They said, ‘But we would have rejoiced more if we

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had killed both of them, her man too, Nzombane, if we had put an end to him.’

When the izingwazi arrived home they were elapa’d. Hepotula’d them, and lifted the prohibitions on food which they had not been allowed to eat.377 For they could not eat certain kinds of meat before they were treated, 51 before they were potula’d. They could not eat the paunch (usu) nor the intestines - all the entrails (umbilini).

Some years later my father became ill. It was said, ‘It is iqungo.378 You stabbed the inyanga of Nzombane and were not elapa’d.’ He went back to Gabazana. He became better.

Then the country of the Embo people was destroyed; it was destroyed by Dingana. This was when Sambela and Zihlandhlo died; they were killed by Dingana’s impi. Sambela and Zihlandhlo did not die of illness; they were killed by the assegai.

In that fighting my father killed very many men (of Dingana’s impi, the iziNyosi and the Mbelebele). They were elapa’d again.

When my father was in the white man’s country (esilungwini), many years later, when Somsewu was ruling, he was again affected by iqungo. His toes swelled up and broke off. The disease ate away the toe next to the big one on the left foot, down to the bones at its base. The izinyanga were unable to heal it with their medicines (izihlungu). 52 He cried until he sweated; his heart beat so fast he thought he would die. He went to ask the inyanga to divine (bula). He said that Papu was being affected by iqungo. ‘For did you not stab the inyanga of Nzombane? Were you not elapa’d by Gabazana? Did it not come back again? And did not Gabazana elapa you again? Gabazana failed to heal you the first time. If they had known, they would have named another inyanga. For my part, I smell out (nuka) Ngoyana. Go to Ngoyana, who elapa’d the izingwazi of Sirayo’ (of the Nyuswa people). People went to Ngoyana. Ngoyana came early in the day and elapa’d him and elapa’d him. He went home late in the day. He said he would come back the next day (his umuzi was close by). He came early the next day. He no longer heard the moans (when a person is groaning in pain). ‘How are you, Papu?’ He replied, ‘Don’t you see that I am eating?’ 53 He said, ‘I slept very deeply.’ After that he made a full recovery. This was before I was born. I have seen with my own eyes that he no longer has that toe.

He would tell this story about the Embo. I heard it for myself from his own mouth.

It is a long story about how my father’s people were scattered (citeka) in Tshaka’s time (Tshaka had killed the chiefs of our people, the Ngongoma), and how they went off to konza in the Embo country, to Zihlandhlo. Tshaka had said to Zihlandhlo, ‘You are my younger brother (umnawe); you may build an isigodhlo’. For when chiefs were killed by Tshaka, those of their people who escaped together with their children, would go off and konza in the Embo country and take refuge (catsha) with Zihlandhlo, for he was Tshaka’s brother (umfowabo). The orphans of

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all the chiefs ran away to take refuge under Zihlandhlo, in his armpit. They came out into the open again after Dingana had killed Zihlandhlo. After the killing of Zihlandhlo, they were saved by Dingana’s quarrel with the Boers. The way to Port Natal (eBodwe) was opened up (boboka); 54 they came to konza to the Boers. They came when Wohlo and Mbuyazi were there, and Pobana and others who had arrived with Febana.379

23.4.1916

File 9, item 26, p.1.

1 Questions to Socwatsha.

What do Natives find most objectionable to being under British rule, white man’s rule?

Where do they find their life protected where it was not formerly protected and uncovered where once covered? If a child is uncovered too soon, too soon exposed, it dies. Are there not directions in which Natives are too quickly exposed by European law? What are those uncovering laws?

There is the system of witchcraft, divination. That was very extensively applied to Native affairs. Such practices (e.g. smelling out) have been legislated against. What is the effect of such action, and how are Natives adjusting themselves to the new conditions so brought about?

What is real Native opinion in regard to Christianity? We are different races. We talk about the Natives. We suspect that they would fight us if they got the chance, massacre us as they did Retief and his party and tried to do at Durban. We say you smell, belong to a lower type of humanity; that you are lower than the Indians, hence we resent mixing our blood with yours through intermarriage. Even Europeans who cohabit are looked down on. How do Natives look on our imagined higher raciality? Do they believe us to be as great as we suppose ourselves to be? What radical defects do they see in us?

Do they see any prospect of ever joining hands with us, of our accepting them into our nationality, if so what are the most hopeful directions in which this is likely to be done?

Does it seem as if the Natives must for ever be a servile race subordinate to the whites?

How would it be if Natives were permitted to establish themselves in large states in S.A. under the advice of British rulers?

23.4.1916

File 49, item 6, pp. 1-4.

1 Socwatsha. Contact of Europeans with Native races; land matters; chiefs.

What is cause of bitterness among natives is the policy of taking from a Native chief land that is his and has been his perhaps for many generations and giving it to another Native. There are many cases of this in Natal and Zululand. Much pain is caused when women are taken from a man and given to another man when the first

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one is still alive and vigorous. Even when he is dead, there will still be his son, the one who inherits from him (indhlalifa).380 And this giving away of land takes place on ex parte statements, the man telling tales being given the land. This latter happened in case of Bubula, who got Tilonko’s land, and other cases.381

In Zululand Mr J. Shepstone said, in the Mahlabatini country, at kwa Sitshwila, when he had summoned all the great men (izikulu) of the Zulu country, ‘We are taking Cetshwayo away; for your part, go back to your countries (emazweni), and stay. Sons whose fathers have died must go back to their fathers’ countries, and rule over the men who were under their fathers.’382 That is what happened. A man who left the country of the white people (esilungwini - Natal) would go to a place that he liked, go the person who was in charge of it (umnikaziyo), and speak to him, asking for the site of a former habitation (inxiwa) where he could build. Even if he was one of the original chiefs (inkosi yo hlanga) in Natal, he would come under the ‘owner’ (umnikazi) of that place. He would no longer be an inkosi yo hlanga as he was in the place where he came from.

Malimada (Osborn) too, who was given the country on this side of the Mhlatuze and then konza’d to the Government (Rulumeni), ruled according to the word given by Misjana. It was Mmango who came to give the order; it was he who began to divide up (dabula) the country of the Zulu.383 He took the country of the abanumzana of the Zulu country and gave it to men from Natal (esilungwini). He gave it to Hlangabeza of the Ngcolosi people, who also had his own country in Natal (eNatal); 1(a) he gave it to Gayede of the Emakabeleni people who had his own country in Natal; he gave it to Mnyakanya of the Nxamalala people who had his own country in Natal, at the Mvoti; he gave it to Makongolo ka Nondenisa of the emaTulini people; he gave it to Tulwana ka Nozaza of the emaKabeleni people, who was the induna of Landelisa;384 he gave it to Luzindela ka Mqabuli of eMakabeleni people, the induna of Misjana; he gave it to Mnikina ka Ntshongweni, who was Mmango’s own induna and was also of the emaKabeleni; he gave it to Silwane ka Manzini of the emaNgangeni, who was also an induna of Mmango; he gave it to Yamela ka Pangandawo, the induna of Malimada, of the Tshange people.385 He gave them all land in the country of the Zulu; they occupied it (ba l’akile).

People in the Zulu country nearly went to war. They said, ‘We have been driven out of our place though we have done nothing, and though we are paying taxes to the Government.’

Malimada spoke the word which had been spoken by Misjana at kwa Sitshwila. He said, ‘It is Yamela alone who will receive land (izwe) in the place of the Zulu people. For I asked for Yamela from Somsewu at Emgungundhlovu, after the death of Sotamela, the induna with whom I left Newcastle. But I took on Sotondose as my induna because he knew the laws. I took him on because he knew the Government’s laws. I trusted him, for he was a chief in his own right (inkosi yo hlanga) and would explain matters to me (qondisa). I was shocked when people of the uSutu came to me to complain about the wounds they had received from the impi of Zibebu, at the stronghold of Sigidi (where Sonile ka Mbopa ka Wolizibi of the Hlabisa people died). They said, “Nkosi, the impi which has destroyed us is yours. We have been

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destroyed by the Mandhlakazi.2 We say it is yours because your induna Sotondose was present.” Then other people came from the abaQulusi to complain that they had been destroyed by Hamu, at eRologo (a stream near kwa Ngenetsheni). They too said that Sotondose had been present at the time.’

Malimada heard that it was true that Sotondose had been present in Hamu’s war and at the stronghold of Sigidi. He also heard that Sotondose sided with Zibebu because Zibebu was the son of his sister, Kundlase (the mother of Zibebu).

Malimada also heard that Sotondose sided with Hamu because Hamu was the son of one his sisters, like Zibebu - Nozibuku.

Then Malimada said, ‘I do not want this induna, one who will hear matters for me (e zo ngi hlinzel’ izindaba) [i.e. to inquire into cases]. For these people who complain that the impi is mine speak the truth, for when the impi went out my induna was among its number. No man’s impi should go out to which only his induna is privy and not himself. People will say that I know and am responsible, whereas I know nothing.’ Mr O. then wrote a letter from Nhlazatshe to Somtseu asking him to help him by finding an induna from among his police. ‘If you send me a very satisfactory man, I will pay him in land (ngi yo m kokela ngezwe).’ Somtseu then chose Yamela. Malimade did not know him; they met for the first time at Nhlazatshe. Yamela made a good impression on Malimade. He came with him to eShowe. 3 Malimade had him in all his wars, the one against Dabulamanzi at Nkandhla and the one at Ceza against Dinuzulu.

As regards the chiefs referred to, to whom Mr Arthur Shepstone gave land, a disagreement arose. He opened the book which Misjana had written at kwa Sitshwila. He said, ‘All of you from Natal, you have no land here; it belongs to the people of the Zulu country. Gayede, Hlangabeza, if you want a place in the Zulu country, leave Natal completely and have land solely in Zululand. All these izindunas who have been given land, I know nothing of them. I know only Yamela who “burnt his book” (o wa tshis’ ibuku lake) at eSilungwini.’ He alone would get land in Zululand, no one else, and he would only get land occupied by few people. Of these he would become their spokesman.

All those given land by Mr A.J.S. were deprived of their lands. Luzindela, however, was allowed to have land, for Mr John Shepstone stood up for him. Tulwana also was allowed to remain. Hlangabeza and Gayede were deprived of their land. Mnyakanya was transformed by Mr Knight into Ndube’s man; MaKongolo was transformed into Nonzama’s; Silwana too lost his land and he was put under Sigananda. Mnikina lost his; he too was put under Sigananda.386

Yamela was given a large tract of land occupied by various headmen. On his, Yamela’s, death, Saunders deprived Mgomo of the land and gave a huge piece of it to Mtonga (ten viyos of men). Other land was given by Saunders to Mkungu. Another piece was given to Mfungelwa; 4 another piece went to Sikonyana ka Luhleko; another went to Nshingwayo ka Sikonyana; another to Ngwenya ka Majiya; another to Mbango ka Gaozi, and all that remained was a small piece that paid taxes to Eshowe.387 Yamela’s grave fell within the boundaries of a farm.

There are many people from whom land is taken and given to others. Ndube’s land has since been given to Mnyakanya, after the Bambata affair. Some of Ndube’s

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people rebelled but he went to the Government. Mfungelwa’s, Hatshi’s, Mpumela’s, Mbuzo, Sigananda’s, Mtshingane, Luzindela, Matshana, Zinyongo, Siswana - men of all these tribes went, but nothing was done to the chiefs.388 It was Ndube alone that suffered. It was first Saunders who gave land to Mnyakanya, and later Dick and Colenbrander came and cut it up (klaya’d).389 Brothers of Ndube and their kraals were given to Mnyakanya who, although Ndube’s subject, was made independent. There is very bad feeling between Ndube and Mnyakanya in consequence.

Mnyakanya used once to be Ndube’s man. Saunders’ motive was that Ndube’s people led in the attack at Bobe.

Urwebede - name of Ndube’s people, just as Usutu is that of Dinuzulu’s.390

Natives strongly object to having other chiefs put over them when the heir of their own chief is living and excluded for no apparent offence. Sibindi for instance was appointed over Meseni, Ndhlovu’s and other districts,391 whereas there were in those districts men as good as himself who did… <The rest of the original is missing – eds.>

<21.5.1916>

File 57, nbk. 2, p. 70.

Also present: Mandlakazi kaNgini

70 Socwatsha. [See nbk. beginning 3.10.1921 for fuller account by Socwatsha.]392

No one went into Ntombazi’s hut. There were heads of chiefs hanging at the back (emsamu); Zwide had killed them.

If a person is quarrelling with another, even her own child, she might say, ‘I should just come over there and beat you. Do you think this is Ntombazi’s place, where no one went in? I should come in and beat you.’ She would speak like this when the person she was quarrelling with was in another hut.

There are very many people indeed who know of this.

No one used to enter Ntombazi’s hut.

<21.5.1916>

File, 57, nbk. 2, p. 73.

Also present: Mandhlakazi kaNgini

73 Socwatsha said this afternoon that the tribe Mdhlalose was an offshoot of Zulu tribe, and spoke of it as abalanda,393 meaning probably that the Zulus took their wives from there. Governing was done with reference to them (kwa ku buswa ngabo), implying that they were one of the tribes on which the Zulu Constitution was based.

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22.5.1916

File 57, nbk. 2, p. 73.

Also present: Mandlakazi kaNgini

73 Socwatsha and Mandhlakazi. Re attacks on Shaka by Zwide.

Socwatsha speaks. The battle, after T. had retreated down Gcongco, began about Sungulweni,394 but only in such a way as to harass and delay them. The Zulus did not actually fight; they kept retreating. When they got to Nomveve they had their great battle and again fought on Mhlatuze. That was the night of the ‘Kisi’ password, fighting at night.

Mandhlakazi says: The Ndwandwes used the word ‘Kwitshi’, uttering it softly. [Name of one of Zwide’s regiments was isiKwitshi.]395 M. says: Any battle fought when dark would be described thus: ‘We fought in the kisi manner, when it was dark.’ M. says: I never heard of a battle fought at night prior to the said battle between Zulus and Ndwandwes.

14.7.1918

File 58, nbk. 16, pp. 62-3.

Socwatsha, 14.7.1918.

62 … <Praises of Ndlela kaSompisi omitted – eds.>

63 Omafungebema - the Zulus, because they swear they have no snuff and yet have a lot at the time of so swearing.396

Kwamadod’ aqoman’ amany’ amadoda enge zintombi - name of Socwatsha’s kraal.397 Mr Knight said Yamela’s men living in Nkandhla District were to qoma their chiefs, so I qoma’d Ndube. I have lived on four kraal sites in this immediate neighbourhood during the last 30 years or so; 2 of these kraals belonged to my eldest brother Godhloza, and the other two to me, Godhloza having gone to another near Insuze. He died a few years ago.

26.8.1921. High Brae.

File 57, nbk. 5, pp. 14–18.

14 Per Socwatsha.

Bovu ka Nomabuqabuqa. Intontela regiment, same age as Ndhlela ka Sompisi of the Lutulipeople.398 Was a great hero.

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Bovu challenged (qomana) another induna, Nobongoza ka Maqoboza of the Zulu house (wo ku zalwa kwa Zulu). [No doubt in regard to expedition against Sikwata or Swazis.]399 When the war was fought, Bovu’s force ran away. But Bovu did not run away; he fought and drove off the enemy by himself. The force of the induna whom he had challenged did not run away.

The impi came to report on the fighting to the king, Mpande. Mpande said, ‘Bovu, Nobongoza has overcome you.’ Bovu replied, ‘He has not overcome me, Nkosi, for I fought the enemy and drove them away.’ The king said, ‘But your men ran away. Were you contending about the men you killed? Were you contending about your companies of men (amaxiba)? Your ixiba ran away, Bovu. Though you drove off the enemy, that counts for nothing, for your men ran away and left you to fight by yourself.’ Mpande then ate up all Bovu’s cattle and gave them to Nobongoza. He then took some of his own cattle and sisa’d them to Bovu, so that he would have amasi to eat and his children too would be healthy.

15 Bovu was very angry. He said, ‘Yet I fought the enemy and drove them off.’ As dusk fell, he said to his wives, ‘Pack your belongings! (Bopani!)’ He made off with Mpande’s cattle and came here to Somsewu. He drove the cattle into the forests at oZwatini.400 The country was still wilderness (amahlane); there were not yet as many people as there are now. He hid the cattle in the forests at oZwatini. He tied them with ropes made of the umtwazi creeper; he tied the ones which would lead the others out of the forest. He did this so that they would graze in the forest, and sleep there.

Mpande then sent messengers to Somsewu to say, ‘Give me back my cattle; they have crossed over with one of my people who has escaped to your country. I do not want him; I want my cattle.’ So Somsewu summoned Bovu, whom he did not know. He sent to Dubuyana to say, ‘A man of the Zulu country has crossed over to you; his name is Bovu. I am summoning him.’401 So Bovu came to Somsewu, together with Somsewu’s police (amapoyisa) who had gone to fetch him. Somsewu then asked, ‘So this is he?’ They replied, ‘Yes, Nkosi; it is Bovu.’ ‘Bovu!’ ‘Nkosi,’ he replied. ‘Bring out the cattle of Mpande. Here are the people who have come to. 16 fetch them You know them, for they are of your people.’ Bovu said, ‘Let them speak.’ They then told the story as I have told it. Then Somsewu said, ‘They have told their story, Bovu. Answer them.’ Bovu said, ‘It is true that I was contending with another induna, Nobongoza. The king ate up my cattle, saying that my men had run away. I became angry, Nkosi: I made off and came to you, for my cattle had been eaten up. I came with only my sleeping mats; even the goat which eats the umtolo tree, I do not know it. For I heard that you were ruling. I made off so that I could come and konza to you.’

The men from the Zulu country went on to describe the cattle by their colours. Bovu denied it. Somsewu said, ‘Bovu, I am having you arrested. I am doing this because here are these men describing the cattle which you have taken. Would they simply tell lies?’ He was taken to the place of the police (for as yet no gaol).402 The next day Somsewu was told that the prisoner had tried to cut his throat with a knife, but had been stopped. Somsewu came hurrying to the place where he was imprisoned, 17 and found him covered with blood. They had stopped him before he could cut his throat; only the windpipe had been cut. Somsewu said that Bovu

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should be treated for his wound, and washed, and that he should be appeased. ‘Go, you people of the Zulu country; Mpande’s cattle are not here. Do you not see that he denies it by wanting to kill himself? He has taken a great oath by wanting to kill himself. Who would get the cattle if he were to kill himself?’ The people from the Zulu country then went off home.

Orders were given that medicines should be found to heal his wound. He was then accompanied by a policeman to his home at the place of Dubuyana ka Sirayo ka Mapoloba. After he had got home his wound healed, but to the day of his death his windpipe never closed up. This happened before we were born (we Ngobamakosi).403 He died after I had married my first wife. Whenever he drank water, drops would come out and run down his chest; the same with beer, when white foam would come out. Foam would come out even when he had drunk nothing.

This man Bovu was light (mpofu) in colour, reddish (bomvu). He was not very tall, nor short; 18 he was of medium height. He was a mature man (indoda), with a headring. He had a big nose. He was good-looking, as were his children. His cattle increased in number, and filled the country at uZwati.

27.8.1921 - <evidence given 26.8.1921>. High Brae.

File 77, pp. 8–9.

8 … <Praises of Bovu kaNomabhuqabhuqa omitted – eds.>

Note (by Socwatsha). Bovu was one of the greater heroes of Zululand. He was an induna of Ntontela regiment, in Mpande’s reign. When the Zulu army, on one occasion, was about to leave on an expedition against the Swazis or Sikwata, Bovu qomana’d with Nobongoza ka Maqoboza, the bet being that his ixiba would defeat that part of the enemy force opposed to it when it came to a battle. An engagement took place. Nobongoza and his party fought and drove off the enemy with which it was engaged, but the enemy succeeded in defeating Bovu’s party, all excepting himself. Through his own superhuman energy and determination, Bovu eventually succeeded in repelling the enemy and driving it off. On Mpande being asked to adjudicate, he found in favour of Nobongoza on the ground that the bet was as to each party’s achievement, not as to the personal prowess of either of the leaders. As a consequence of the decision, all Bovu’s cattle were seized and made over to Nobongoza and his party.

This highly enraged Bovu, who claimed that his heroism had surpassed that of Nobongoza and his men, even though his own party had been driven off, himself alone excepted. Mpande, to pacify his hero, apportioned him a small herd of his own cattle, not, however, giving but only giving the use of them to him and his children. Bovu no sooner got home than he gave orders to his women to pack up all their belongings, and the same night he fled across the Tukela into Natal with the whole of his family, including the cattle. Coming to almost entirely unoccupied country at oZwatini (not far from Stanger), he took the cattle into a forest there, where he tied

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9 which he judged would effectually prevent the others from straying out of the forest into the open.

Mpande, apprised of what had happened, sent messengers to report the incident to Sir T. Shepstone. Shepstone sent to Dubuyana, chief of the district to which Bovu was said to have gone, asking that Bovu be arrested and brought to him. When Bovu was brought to Pietermaritzburg, Shepstone confronted him with Mpande’s messengers, and went into the whole matter. Bovu, in reply, said the story as told by the messengers was correct except as to his having taken Mpande’s cattle with him into Natal. He had brought no cattle at all, only his sleeping mats. That this was the truth, he asserted with all the emphasis he could command. Shepstone, believing he had taken the cattle as alleged, though there was no positive proof in the matter, directed that Bovu was to be detained as prisoner.

On the day following the sentence, word suddenly came that Bovu, who, as there was then no regular gaol, was confined at the police huts, had cut his throat and was bleeding to death. Going at once to the huts, Shepstone found that Bovu had indeed attempted to commit suicide, and in so determined a manner as to have cut through his windpipe with a large knife, and had not someone rushed at and prevented him, he must have cut his throat altogether and bled rapidly to death. Shepstone was very much impressed by the occurrence, and, calling up Mpande’s messengers, then just about to leave for Zululand, said it was now quite clear to him that Bovu could not have stolen the cattle as alleged. He had resorted to doing an act which placed it beyond all doubt that his statement as to not having brought the cattle with him was to be relied on. No oath could have been taken by him to create such a belief more strongly than this attempt at self-destruction had done. ‘For who,’ queried Shepstone, ‘would have had the benefit of the cattle in the event of his having succeeded in committing suicide? Clearly not Bovu.’ Under these circumstances, the messengers must return to their king and say Bovu had been found not guilty. His wound was dressed, and as soon as he got well enough, he was released.

After this, Bovu’s cattle multiplied to a great number and he became one of the largest cattle-owners in the country. The wound in his windpipe never quite healed up, for as he drank water or beer, part would ooze out and flow down his chest, and, at other times, a small froth would be seen at the opening in the throat. And this went on up to his death some thirty years later.

27.8.1921

File 57, nbk. 5, pp. 18–25.

18Bongoza, the one who decoyed the Boers at the uPate [see p. 25],404 was the son of Mefu of the Ngongoma people, of the Ngcobo. Fokoti ka Bongoza was Mavumengwana’s policeman.405 Fokoti may have been of Dhlambedhlu regiment.

a May be still living at Mhlatuze, near the Bomvana people, near Ntumeni.

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Bongoza was ubabekazi.406 I heard this from my father, Papu. [Socwatsha’s father, married very late in life, was about Tshaka’s age, perhaps even a little older.] Papu ka Zikayana ka Mavela ka Matshiza ka Ndaba ka Maramba ka Gasela ka Nombika ka Ngongoma ka Ngcobo.

Offshoots of the Ngcobo: amaNyuswa, amaQadi, emaLangeni, eMgangeni, amaFunze, eNyavwini, Tshangase, Hosiyana, Ngongoma.

Ngcobo dabuka’d at the Mvoti. I don’t know whereabouts, high up, middle, or by sea. Ngcobo is of the amaLala class.

The amaNtungwa are the Kumalo people. There is an expression of this kind. Zulus are said to be abeNguni.

19 I heard that Malandela dabuka’d at the source of the Mhlatuze, where it rises at Babanango. Malandela had two sons by one of his wives, Qwabe and Zulu. This wife was Nozidiya. She presented Zulu with a white cow. This caused quarrel between Qwabe and Zulu. Qwabe went and lived down Mhlatuze and Matigulu, and down towards uNgoye, whilst Zulu lived out towards eMpembeni. Qwabe was the older.

All the old chiefs of Ngcobo tribe are buried at eGqalabeni, i.e. where Mpatesita is.407 Matshiza, Ndaba, Maramba, Gasela and Nombika are all buried a little west of my kraal (sunset side). I am quite sure of this. My father Papu told me this. He, however, told me when were still living at oZwatini. I could point out Mavela’s and Matshiza’s graves.

The famine of Madhlantule.408

The uMadhlatule [Lunguza, see nbk. 20.3.1909, p. 17, has Madhlantule]409 was a great famine (indhlala) in the Zulu country [c.1800] when Papu was quite young [viz. 13 or 14, vide p. 23].410 Papu was just about Tshaka’s age, married very late. In that famine people became robbers (izigcwelegcwele), thieves. If a calf was tethered, and no one was about, a robber would come and cut the rope (isisinga) with which it was tied. He would then make off with the calf into the forest, where he would kill it by cutting its throat with an assegai. He would then make a fire. If he had not brought fire with him from home, he would rub firesticks (uzwati) together. He would make a fire and roast the calf and eat it. The meat that he did not finish he would hang up in a tree. The owners of the calf would look for it. 20 Sometimes they would go out and see the remains of the fire where he had been eating. He would eat there and defecate there. He might sleep there, for he might no longer have a home. He might have left his home and become a robber. Sometimes they would find a man with the calf, and kill him. At other times they would find that the man had gone, and they would see the place from the remains of the fire and from the bones.

Another man might take a gourd (igula) and carry it off with him into the forest. He would take his assegai and make the mouth wider, so that his hand would fit in, and he would eat with it, for there was no large pot (ukamba) for him to fill. The owners of the gourd would search and search for it. Sometimes they would find it when they found the cleared space where the man had been. They would find the place that he had cleared. They would say, ‘Hau! This is where he was eating; here

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is a cleared place.’ They would also find the excrement which he had left after he had eaten and defecated. The practice was to bury the gourds in the ground to hide them. When they wanted to pour it out, the earth would be dug away, for the owner would know where it had been buried, at the back of the hut.

Those who had gone out to find food in places where they had been told to go would meet up with others and kill them and take their food. Others would set ambushes for they were strong, 21 and would kill the robbers.

Grainpits (of amabele) would be opened during the night when people were asleep. The owner would leave off opening them during the day for fear of being killed. She would open it in the night, when people were asleep. She would take out basketfuls of grain and then go and hide it at the back of her hut. This food would be guarded. In addition, she did not cook during the day. She would cook the food as if she had stolen it, even though it was hers.

Cattle were not said to be hlaba’d; they were said to be gqwatsha’d.411 (Nowadays if a man kills a beast and gives none of it away, people will say, ‘Hau! Have you gqwatsha’d?’) He would say, ‘I am gqwatshaing for my children; they are dying of hunger.’ This beast would be slaughtered at night. When it was cut up, a hole would be made in the untu (outside meat about stomach) and a wooden post would be pushed in to the length of a forearm, as far as the hump. He did this so that when he was chopping with an axe people of other places (be zinye izizwe) would not hear, for an axe makes a noise, ‘Ngu! Ngu! Ngu!’ If he puts in a post, there will be no noise; it will simply sound ‘Ca! Ca! Ca!’ For among us the breast meat is removed and the ribs are cut, leaving the two sides of rib meat. When a joint was cut off, 22 it would be taken and placed in the hut (this was done in case it was taken by thieves, that is, by those people who had cut up the beast, and others who were looking for a chance to steal - to kill the calf that was tethered). It would be cut up into all its parts (izito), the legs, the forelegs, the rib meat (umhlubulo), the breast, the head, the hump (isixanti), and the rump, all the parts, together with the izinhlonhlo, the ulusi, the tail (isiyaka), the liver, and the lungs.412 He would then go to his hut, where he would hide the meat. He might make a screen (isironqo) inside at the back of the hut (emsamo); it would be screened off so that anyone entering would be able to see nothing there. He would continually be cooking some of the meat, and breaking it into pieces even before it had cooked. He did this so that it would not rot, for he would eat it the whole month through. He would eat it together with his wives and his children. He would give a man a piece, and the man would give him one in return, for presents of meat are exchanged (imikombe y’enanana).413

This hiding of the meat was done because in former times (kuqala) there were no small imizi. An umuzi was large. A large impi would go out from a single umuzi. That umuzi was of the umnumzana; the umnumzana was a chief. All the imizi were large. Relatives (izinhlobo) would all be together; 23 they were not by themselves. This was done because in those times there was warfare. An impi would go out to surround an umuzi and kill the people; a large impi would go out from the home and drive it off. When it did this it would not kill many people, only a few.

The owner of cattle was afraid that because there were a large number of people, they would come and rob him. He ate the meat with his people until it

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rotted. They would eat it even when it had maggots (izimpetu) in it. People did not say that it had maggots; they said that it had the ubomi taste.414 The hide was kept hidden; it was not pegged out. When they had completely finished the meat, they would proceed to cook the hide and eat it, all of it. It too was meat.

A man might slaughter (gqwatsha) one of his cattle if he saw that his people were dying of hunger, when some had died and been buried; they had died from eating plants which they had dug up. A man might see that the maize was flowering in the gardens and that wo! by the time it had ripened his people would be dead. Another might see that a cow’s udder was filling with milk but that it was late in calving; he would slaughter it and his children would eat the calf. The calf was not eaten by the men; it was eaten by the youths (izinsizwa) who had not yet taken a wife, and the children would also eat it.

[When Madhlatule famine was on (see p. 19 note re Lunguza), Papu was still a boy, about 13 or 14 (the time of his puberty). Hence, as he was born about 1785–1787 (seeing he was about Tshaka’s age and perhaps even a year or two older), 24 the famine would have occurred between 1795 and 1805, say 1800, to make a guess.]

Another famine known by Socwatsha was uMdweshu. At that time Charlie’s (Bayi’s - Mbokodebomvu regiment) elder brother was born and called Mbezi, i.e. after a plant or root of that name, which people dug up and ate after mixing with curds.415

Socwatsha refers to uboqo as another root which people ate in time of great scarcity;416 also wild figs (amakiwane), when not ripe. (Umbezi, uboqo and amakiwane were mixed with curds as umcaba. There were many other roots and herbs eaten in times of scarcity, some cooked, others raw - also imifino, intebe, etc.)417 The uMdweshu famine occurred about the time of Socwatsha’s birth. [Which, after careful inquiry, I fix as having taken place in 1853, or possibly late in 1852. Hence his age now would be 68 or 69.] S. was born in the summer.

There was another great time of scarcity, ilanga (or iqina) of Mbete. This took place, Socwasha says, shortly before umbidhli ka Somsewu (1869).418 [Hence I would fix it at 1867, or 1866.]

Socwatsha says he was just about 4 years of age when Ndondakusuka battle was fought. He saw the Izigqoza who had been wounded and were covered with blood. [This fairly fixes his own birth as, say, early in 1853 or late 1852.] He remembers the calling out of the Sidoyi impi [April 1857].419

When the Zulu assembled, they were as numerous as the heads of utoyi - used for weaving eating-mats, affinity with imizi and incema.420 What we would say, as numerous as sand on the seashore.

25 Socwatsha does not know origin or meaning of his name. [But on 2nd October he derived it from ukuti cwatsha - see my note in Bryant, Dictionary, under cwasha.]421 It is a name given him by his mother. The name given by his father was uNembe, whilst Mtana was another of his names. These fell into desuetude.

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Bongoza. Hlati. Ndengezi ka Kuzwayo. More old stories told by his father - anecdotes re Tshaka.

29.8.1921

File 57, nbk. 5, pp. 25-8.

Bongoza ka Mefu, of the Ngongoma people. [See p. 18 re Bongoza.]422

Dingane was at war with the Boers.423 His amabuto became tired. The izinduna, too, said that the amabuto were tired. They said that tribute should be paid (ukutela) to the Boers. The cattle of the Boers which had been eaten up, and which had been the cause of the fighting, should be returned to them. Other cattle should be paid for Piti. The first herd should be for tribute, the second should be paid for Piti, the third should consist of the cattle of the Boers which had been eaten up. The matter should be set right (ukucolelana), and they should return to their place and remain there, there where they had built, at the Balule.424

Then Bongoza came forward and said, ‘For my part, I shall decoy (yenga) them. Let amabuto be sent to go and sleep in the bush country, to hide in the bush country at the White Mfolozi. Let large numbers of white cattle be driven into all that country, from the uPate to the other side of the Mfolozi. I shall tell the Boers that the Zulu are finished, 26 and that the cattle are unguarded. The men who escaped from the war have gone away; they have headed northwards.’ Then Nzobo came forward and said, ‘You speak the truth, Bongoza; in the bush country we shall be able to strike at them and destroy them.’ It was agreed that this would be done.

So Bongoza went off and made his way to the Boers, while the men of the Zulu took the cattle to the Mfolozi and the amabuto were sent to the bush country, where they hid; they reached as far as the uPate. Bongoza arrived among the Boers, shabby and covered in dust. They said, ‘Au! Here is a man who has lost everything (o felwe izwe).’ He made his salutations. He told them the amabuto had gone away. The Boers said, ‘Can you show us the way?’ He agreed. They armed, and went off with him. He walked a little in front. They made across the open country at the Mtonjaneni, and approached the uPate. The slopes there which lead down to the Mfolozi are very steep, like those at the Nkandhla. They dismounted and led their horses by the reins. They went down in a column. They caught sight of the cattle, which were everywhere to be seen, white ones, black ones, red ones. Bongoza was with them, walking out in front.

At the bottom of the slope, those in front began entering the bush; they were still leading their horses. Suddenly they were alarmed to find that Bongoza was no longer with them. 27 They were struggling among the trees. Then they heard him calling out, ‘They are inside, men of Mjokwane ka Ndaba!425 Let me hear!’ He called out as he threw himself among the men of the impi who were lying hidden. Some were this side, others that side. He had gone with the aim of bringing the Boers there, for one horn of the impi was lying this side, and the other that side. The amabuto rose up and attacked the Boers; they came down behind them. As they were charging in, the Boers fired at them. They were unable to get close, for now they knew about guns and were afraid of them. They had fought and had been

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driven off at the Ncome, at the Mtshezi, and at emaGebeni.426 The Boers went down the slope, leading their horses. They reached the bottom, at the mouth of the uPate. There they mounted their horses, and closed up into a tight mass. They made for the Mfolozi, firing from horseback. The two wings of the Zulu separated; the Boers broke through, pushing them apart. They made for the Mfolozi, for the the kwa Nolele drift (ordinary drift). They crossed, and headed towards the Amabedhlana. When the impi followed, they turned round and fired on it. They went past the iziHlalo, and then past eDhlebe and eNhlazatshe. Then they made for the ridge at emaPiseni, 28 beyond Nhlazatshe, near Ntabankulu. The Zulu amabuto remained at the Mfolozi; they were left undisturbed. Peace returned; there was no more fighting.

The Boers eventually turned about and made for the esiLungwini country.

My father, Papu, said that all the Boers had reached Natal, for he knew them. He had konza’d to them, and milked their cattle. He hunted with them when they went to shoot buck. He was also present in the fight at the Mtshezi, on the side of the Boers. He was not present in the fight at the oPate. When Mpande made his escape, after he had been warned by Matunjana and Ndhlela, my father was already living among the Boers.427 When Nzobo ka Sobadhli ka Dhlukela came to fetch Mpande from the Boers, my father was living there. They tied Nzobo to the wheel of a wagon. (This happened at kwa Njanduna hill, near Verulam, on south side of Mdhloti.) My father was living there, but he was ill at home, with a wound on his knee (left); he had been stabbed by the Zulu forces at Ndondakusuka, where he fought on the side of the Boers.428

‘UMpanjana zo msenge!’ - said by Dingana of Mpande at Maqongqo.429

Somkande - that is where D. intended going - far beyond the Swazis and uBombo.

30.8.1921

File 57, nbk. 5, pp. 29–36.

29 The fight at Maqongqo and the death of Dingana.430

Dingana said to Ndhlela, his chief induna, ‘You must send my whole impi forward together; you must form many columns, thus:

The whole impi must attack together. The men must not simply watch one another, with some fighting and others watching. They must not do that. The whole impi must attack together. I shall never fight with Mpande, Mpanjana zo msenge.’ So the impi went out. When Dingana spoke thus it was still at home, drawn up in a circle

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(umkumbi) being prepared for war. Later, when Ndhlela had taken over command of the impi, he did not follow the orders which Dingana had given. He sent forward only two amabandhla, the uDhlambedhlu together with the iziNyosi. And not all the iziNyosi went forward; only a section (isigaba) (the iziManganyawana, which was commanded by Sonsukwana ka Gqwatshaza) did so. They attacked at midday. An ukugulana of the horns of the armies took place. [Guleka - above expression, and this, noted in Bryant.]431 The right horn of Dingana’s impi was driven back, while on the other side, the left, Mpande’s impi was driven back. Mpande’s men fled, those who had been driven back by Dingana’s impi, while on the other side Dingana’s men fled, having been driven back by Mpande’s impi. This is the ukugulana of the horns. [I.e. whilst enemy is being repulsed on one side, on the other he is at the same moment driving you back.] They drove one another back until sunset, at both places. Then they left off, because it was getting dark. 30 As it was returning, Dingane’s force, the uDhlambedhlu, which had driven off Mpande’s men, came singing an irubo,432 for they were rejoicing at having fought the enemy and driven them back. They sang an irubo of Dingana’s, which went:

Go, Mdayi!

We went to the place of our people!

We destroyed the country of the amankengane!

Au-u-u-u-nhu!

Go, Mdayi!

We went to the place of our people!

We destroyed the country of the amankengana!

Au-u-u-u-nhu! 433

Those of Mpande’s men who had been driving back those of Dingana heard this. They said, ‘Hau! Here is the uDhlambedhlu returning! They were stabbing our people. Let us sing that irubo of theirs, so that they will think we are of their people. As it is dark they will not see us properly. When our impi is ready, we will attack them and stab them.’ So they sang that irubo:

Go, Mdayi!

We went to the place of our people!

We destroyed the country of the amankengane!

Au-u-u-u-nhu!

[There were counterparts in this song, i.e. whilst some sang main air, others sang another part to harmonize, yet in other words or syllables, but this cannot be represented here.]

31 The uDhlambedhlu heard the singing and said, ‘Ho! Those are our people! They are singing the song which we sang. They are our people!’ Mpande’s men sang the song; they did not advance; they were preparing; they were making ready. Nozitshada’s men came up towards them, and when they were up very close they charged at them with their assegais. That is where Nozitshada ka Maqoboza died, and Sonsukwana ka Gqwatshaza. Mpande’s impi drove back Dingana’s, there in the night; the moon was shining. (I say that the moon was shining for the impi would not have fought if the moon had been dead.)

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Those who had survived came to Dingana. They described the fighting as I have described it. Dingana became very angry. He said, ‘So, Ndhlela, you have destroyed my impi? Did I not tell you that the whole impi should attack together? You have killed my impi and left it there. So you favour Mpande? So you want to destroy me?’ He said, ‘Wo! Give him a “volley” of assegais; let him feel the assegai!’ Then Dingana said, ‘Do not do that. He is now my insila. Put a rope round his neck and pull it tight. Go on striking it with sticks until he is dead. No longer will he hold back my impi, holding it back for Mpande’s impi. For he hid it; it did not fight.’32 He then appointed other izinduna, Ngceba ka Nodanga of the eLangeni people, and others. He ordered that all the vanguards (amakala) of the impi were to attack together, in a line; all the main bodies (imizila) were to attack at the same time.

The Boers now saw where the armies had been fighting. They came across bodies as numerous as those books (amabuku). [Thousands of bodies. S. refers to books in my library.] They said to Mpande, ‘Wo! Mpande, so indeed you told the truth. You were not deceiving us, like Bongoza. You were indeed at war. We have seen your dead men, and those of Dingana who were killed by your men. Tomorrow it will be our turn to fight. Rest now.’ One of the Boers was sent towards Dingane’s forces to call out, ‘Tomorrow we will be coming!’

A man who was there at eMaqongqo, one of Mpande’s men - his name was Konjwayo, of the Embo people - said that the next day the great men of Mpande’s side took their headbands (imiqele) and their amabeqe of monkey-skin, together with their crane feathers, and made their ordinary men (abafokazana) put them on (qilisa). [Qelisa? - noted in Bryant’s Dictionary, pp. 536, 533.]434 They took their girdles (imiqubula) and their imiklezo and gave them to their men, together with their shields.435 For their part they took the garb of the ordinary men and put it on, and took the shields of the ordinary men. They knew that Dingana’s impi would defeat theirs because it was bigger.33 They knew that not all of Dingana’s impi had yet fought, and that his whole impi would fight that day. The great men did this so that when Dingana’s impi defeated theirs his men would not recognize them. They would think that the ordinary men were the leaders. They would say, ‘Here is an induna! Here is an isikulu!’ In the meantime the isikulu would be making off. He did this so that he would have a chance to escape. They were saved by the words of the Boers, ‘Tomorrow it will be our turn.’

When Dingana heard that the Boers were coming, and not Mpande’s impi, he said, ‘Let us take all (kukula) and go.’ He said that all his people - cattle, womenfolk, amabuto - should go with him to the place of Somkande. He said, ‘Never again will I face up to guns (isitunyisa).’ So his people all went off; they made for the uBombo in the country of the Nyawo.

I have heard it said that the country of Somkande is far beyond the uBombo and the amaSwazi. I do not know what people he belonged to.

It is said that when Dingana’s great men were alone they said to one another, ‘Where are we going? We are being killed by fever (umkuhlane). We are leaving the country of our people,34 the country of the Zulu.’ They said, ‘Let us kill him, and go back to our own country.’ But some asked, ‘Which people (uhlobo luni) will kill

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him?’ They said, ‘Let the amankengane be decoyed into doing it.436 Let them kill him for us, while we go back. For Mpande is a son of Senzangakona; he will rule us.’ They said, ‘Wo! Let amaSwazi be fetched.’ So men went off to the amaSwazi. The amaSwazi said, ‘Are these abaNguni coming to kill us?’ The Zulu replied, ‘No. We have come to make a plan. The amabuto will be sent off elsewhere. On that day, when they have gone, you must come and stab him, and then go back to your caves (izixotsha). The amabuto will never go into the izixotsha.’

This was told (vicwa) [noted, Bryant, Dictionary]437 only to the izinduna; the amabuto did not know of it. They were not told. When the amaSwazi agreed, the order was given to the amabuto, ‘Go out from this place. Go to the cattle posts. There is an impi which wants to eat up the cattle of the king.’ The cattle posts had been built some distance away; none of them were close by. The amaSwazi were told that the amabuto would go off that day, and that they should come in the night. Indeed they came. They made for the isigodhlo where the king used to sleep. Hau! They surrounded it, and stabbed him, wounding him. He escaped, and ran off into the forest at kwa Hlatikulu.35 People who did not know that the amaSwazi had been called went running to raise the alarm at the cattle posts. The amabuto came back. When they arrived, not all the amaSwazi had yet gone into the caves (imihume). The amabuto stabbed them, and drove them off. They ran off; they were driven away. The amaSwazi called out, ‘Why are you killing us, you men of the place of Sikiti,438 you abaNguni? For were we not invited (ukubita) by you?439 Have we not gone to kill your king for you, he who has caused you trouble, so that you can go back to your country?’ The amabuto said, ‘Hau! What are the amankengane saying?’ They went back, but they could not find where the king had been stabbed. They looked for him and found him. They found him sitting up; he was not lying on the ground. He said, ‘O! The amankengana have wounded me here,’ and he showed them the wound. ‘Go and fetch my medicines (ubuhlungu),440 and give them to me to drink. The izinduna went to fetch the medicines from his place. They washed a small pot, poured water in, stirred it, and gave it to him. No sooner had he swallowed it than he began to sweat copiously, and his whole body turned black. In a very short while he died. People were killed for the umgando ceremony, together with black cattle for burying him.36

The Zulu people then went back in a body to the Zulu country. They left Godide ka Ndhlela, saying that he should represent the people who had buried Dingana, for he was the heir of his father (the heir of Ndhlela, Dingana’s chief induna). The people then went back to Mpande.

That is how it always was, as at Maqongqo and at Ndondakusuka, and among the abatshokobezi in the time of Cetshwayo and of Malimade.441 A single umuzi was formed (like the one that is produced by a father), then it became divided in two (klayeka), with some going to the side of Mpande and others to the side of Dingane. And at Ndondakusuka one person would join the iziGqoza and another the uSutu, even though they were of one father. And in the time of Malimade, one person would become an imbuka and another an umtshokobezi, even though they were of one father.442

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File 58, nbk. 25, pp. 21-2..

21 Questions (to ask Socwatsha).

Who was Sitimela’s father? Was it Somveli? Vide nbk. 49, p. 6. [Yes, ka Dingiswayo. Ndukwana says so.]443

Genealogical tree of Ngcobo and Nyuswa tribes. Ngongoma.

Explanations of proverbs

Explanations of Cetshwayo’s and Dinuzulu’s eulogies

Life of Dinuzulu

Life of Cetshwayo

His own ancestors’ names [p. 23].444

Who are the cleverest men he ever met?

Ancient expressions in his own tribe - illustrations of the Lala dialect.

Who arrived first, the Lalas or abeNguni? (Cannot say.) Where did the Lalas come from? (Cannot say.) As they were furthest south they must have arrived first. But why did they not go following the game like abeNguni?

Mpondo za mtini. Explain ‘Ukwanyisa kwemitini’, lapa ku mpondo za nkomo.

I do not know the expression mpondo za mtini.445

The smelting (ukufutwa) of iron; the making of assegais, etc.

Magolwana’s father and praises. Account of his life.446

Coming of Sitimela to claim chieftainship.

Disposition of the various tribes in Zululand at the time of Tshaka’s anabasis. Give praises of Nandi (don’t know),22 Mpikase (don’t know), Songiya (don’t know), Ngqumbazi (don’t know), Nomvimbi (don’t know), Nomantshali (don’t know), Mnkabayi (don’t know).447

Ntombazi’s hut - description of448

Umdhlebe tree - describe.449

Ukutwebula of the amanHlwenga450

Matshongwe, who had his eyes taken out by Tshaka.

The praises of unhloyile451

The famine of Madhlatule, of Magonondo, the drought (or iqina) of Mbete. How many famines were there? (The Umdweshu famine, when the Ngobamakosi were born. This famine occurred in Natal; Zulus may have name of their own.)

Isihlengela. Isihlenga.452

The smelting and manufacturing of iron

Riddles (imfumbe)

Taboo in different tribes. Ngcobo. Bomvu. Then as to eating.

Can all Zululand tribes be divided into amaLala, abeNguni, and amaNtungwa?

Are there any customs which distinguish Lalas from Ngunis and Ntungwas? State positions of the tribes of Zululand at time of Zulu war, and their chiefs at that time, and their chiefs now.

What do you know about inkata yezwe?453

Had regiments any mascot, or thing carried by them, apart from dress or badge?

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He looked at the isigonogono of the dog, etc.454

Smellings-out, what took place?

Labyrinth? - ingunji, uSogekle.455 We did it with spit. ‘He! They bested him!

He got caught in a maze (wapuk’ engunjini or wapuka ku Sogekle). He walked with a stick; he walked and walked until he found his way in. When he was inside the hut - there were perhaps two or three huts: a large maze would have three or four - he was told, ‘Take these dishes to that hut.’ (It was pointed out). It was in the maze; he would have great difficulty in finding his way to it.

Were not Sirayo, Tondolozi and Mafongosi killed off simultaneously?456

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22 Socwatsha.

‘UMnyaiza-ndimi. [Dunjwa and another said ulimi.]457 UNgwadhla zi bomvu, ne mitando.’458

Many are praised by this. Muntompofu ka Manqondo so bonga’d, and others.

Umnyaiza - assegai.459

Ungwadhla - isijula.460

Imitando - tendon (umlala) for binding assegais.461

Nyaliza ulimi - an assegai which is like the tongue of a snake. [See Bryant, Dictionary, under uDimi.]462

Mpengula was chief of the Mangwazana, at the uBombo, at kwa Vuma.

‘Mpengula-jozi,

The swallow which smears itself with mud.’463

‘You were refused by Ndhlela!

You were refused, heyi!

Ha-a-o-o.’

‘You were refused by the Zulu people,

Wo, wo, wo.’

A song of Dingana’s.464

23Socwatsha’s own ancestors: Socwatsha ka Papu ka Zikayana ka Mavela ka Matshiza ka Ndaba ka Maramba ka Gasela ka Nombika ka Ngongoma ka Ngcobo.

Papu was of uBadane regiment. Badane was name of Tshaka’s kraal. It was built at the iMamba (river, enters Tugela near oSungulweni). The induna of Badane kraal was Sirayo ka Mapoloba.

My father’s regiment was followed in age by the uPongolo regiment, a regiment (ibuto) of Mafongosi ka Bovungana, the chief of the Ngongoma people. Socwatsha cannot think of name of his father’s regiment before his tribe, Ngongoma, was defeated by Tshaka; he remembers only that the Pongolo regiment came immediately after it.

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[As Papu’s eldest son, Sifile, was of the Ndabakawombe or Kokoti regiment, as he married late, and as Socwatsha is his last son (born same day as Nomanzi, the youngest daughter, by another wife), and as Socwatsha himself was born about 1852 and so now 69 or 70 years of age, it would appear as if Papu was about same age as Tshaka and Dingana, or, as Socwatsha himself fancies, Papu was same age as Mbelebele and Ntontela regiments, which were slightly older than the amaWombe, i.e. Tshaka’s regiment.465 Papu lived to a great age, until he walked stooped over. Ndabakawombe was Mpande’s first regiment, and buta’d say about 1842, then, say, 18 years of age, which gives 1824 or 1825 as date of his birth.466 Papu, therefore, must be as old or older than Tshaka if, although marrying late, he had an Ndabakwombe for his son. Papu was one of Tshaka’s Badane (Badaneni) regiment, and this does not seem to be connected with Tshaka’s other regiments,24 possibly because one of the very early ones, before Tshaka had properly organized his military system.]

… < Praises of Ndabuko kaMpande omitted - eds.>

Sirayo ka Mapoloba ka Mbele of the Nyuswa people, of the Ngcobo people, was of the Noqiki, a regiment of Mapoloba.

In former times (kuqala) there were no amabuto; people were named after their umuzi, the ikanda of their people.

Tshaka’s attack on the Ngongoma people, of the Ngcobo people.467

Mafongosi ka Bovungana.

Mafongosi ka Bovungana of the Ngongoma people ruled independently (wa zi pata), like other chiefs of the peoples (izinhlobo) in the Zulu country. Tshaka began by killing off the chiefs. He took them one by one; he did not mix them all together. He would come and kill a chief, eat up his cattle, and take (panga) his people, those who had not been killed. They would konza to him, and join his impi. He would kill another chief, and then send the people whom he had taken to make war. It was Mafongosi’s turn. The Ngongoma people had konza’d to Tshaka with their mouths. Tshaka would send envoys, who would have cattle slaughtered for them, and would then return with the news sent to Tshaka by Mafongosi; they would return with his words.25 Mafongosi would also send his own envoys with his words.

Tshaka knew that the Ngongoma people were fierce, for they had fought with the people of Tondolozi ka Tayi and defeated them. Then they fought against the people of Dube ka Bebe of the amaQadi people, and defeated them. Then they fought with the amaCube - people who were their neighbours - and defeated them. People whom they never fought against were the Nyuswa of Sirayo ka Mapoloba. They fought with the amaNsomi people and defeated them. They fought with the Embo people, the people of Gcwabe ka Kabazele ka Mavovo ka Gubela ka Sibiside, ‘Sibiside, the isibi which blinded (pandhla) the abaNguni; the abaNguni grumbled, saying “Vunga! Vunga! Vunga!”’(Isibi, which hurts a person’s eye. To pandhla is to zungeza [but Bryant has xopa as meaning of pandhla].)468

Tshaka saw this and said, ‘I cannot make war on this man Mafongosi with a weak force (impi yo bala). This iLala could finish off my people. His people are

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fierce; it is as if he is not an iLala.’ Then he told envoys to go off; he told them to go armed, for in former times people would travel armed with shield (isihlangu) and assegais. Even a man who went to visit a relative (isihlobo) would go armed. The envoys arrived. Then, before they returned, others arrived. Then more arrived, and still more.26 The whole Ngongoma country was full of the envoys. People asked, ‘Why are there so many?’ For the first ones sent by the inkosi had not yet returned home. The senior men said, when talking together, ‘Hau! It is an impi!’

In those times the hut (unyangwe) where shields were stored was built near the door of the main hut at the upper end, at the fence of the cattle enclosure, inside. It was built like a storage hut (inqolobane) for maize, like the temporary shelters (amaxiba) built when birds are being scared off. But the uprights (izinsika) were tall. The hut was placed on top, with cross-poles being put in, and a platform (ubamba) being made. When the hut had been built, it was thatched with grass so that the shields of the inkosi should not get wet.

The envoys kept pushing forward until they had surrounded the storage hut. Some went in to the inkosi and spoke with him. It was these who were going to stab the chief. Indeed they attacked him and stabbed him. One of them came out of the hut and shouted, ‘Stab them; we have stabbed their chief.’ The men of the place, those who had built in the umuzi of the inkosi, saw that war had come to their umuzi! If they had been armed there would have been a fierce fight. For in those times many people lived in the umuzi of the inkosi, mature men, men who had married,27 with their wives and their old men and their young men. In those days no small imizi were built, only large ones. People did this so an impi would not take them by surprise when they were few in number, and overcome them. When Mafongosi was killed, the alarm was raised, ‘To the attack! (Ingene!). To arms! They have killed the inkosi; the inkosi is dead.’ But the impi did not take courage; its knees were weak. ‘Which chief are we fighting for? For they have killed the chief.’ In addition, the impi was preventing the men of the place, those who lived with the chief, from getting to their shields. Messengers went off to tell the whole country of the Ngongoma all that had happened; they reported that the inkosi was dead. People carried the news further; it was carried to all the districts (izigodi), all the valleys of his country.

After the inkosi had been killed, messengers from the Zulu country went off to tell the impi which was following that it should make haste as the inkosi of the Ngongoma people had been killed. This report reached the impi the same day; the messengers met up with it. It ate up the cattle, and when the great warriors of Mafongosi fought they threw themselves recklessly at the Zulu,28 crying, ‘Let us die with our inkosi.’ The Zulu stabbed them, and destroyed them, together with the women. Those who escaped did so only by hiding. For when Tshaka made war on a chief and killed him, he would kill his people too. Tshaka’s impi did not return. They cut down trees and built shelters. They pursued those who had escaped death; they did this until the moon had died, for they wanted to kill everyone; they wanted iziqu.469 When one of Tshaka’s warriors became tired of killing, he would seize people and make them his own people, women, men and boys. If he encountered men of his own side who had not yet killed, he might proceed to stab them. He

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would say, ‘You are stabbing the people whom I have seized for myself, you cowards!’ He was cursing the men from his own place, from the Zulu country, for they had not yet killed, and he was taking the people for himself. In speaking like this he was aiming to protect these people. They stabbed him as well, and he died with his people. Another man would simply stab these people. But another man, one who was well known,29 or of substance (qata), would escape, together with the people whom he had seized. The attackers would leave them, for they feared that he would report them to the king and the king would kill them.

When the moon was dead, after three or four weeks, they would eat up the cattle, every one of them. They would carry off the hoes, and uncover the sorghum pits and carry off the grain, eating as they went. From the large grain pits, which were full of food, they would scoop out some grain and carry it, so that they could eat on the way. They would shit (nyela) on the grain which had remained in the pit and which they had been unable to take because their loads were too heavy.

Then one of Tshaka’s izinduna called out to those of our people, the Ngongoma, who had escaped. He saw that the country had been completely devastated (kotoza). There was nothing left, not a beast, not a goat, not even anyone who had tried to hide. Only here and there was anyone left. The induna called out, ‘He says that you are to come out of the forests. Come out from your hiding-places. Go back to your homes; you can eat imbuya weeds.’ For he knew there was nothing left, and that people would have to eat imfino.470 The people heard this. They said, ‘Wo! They have called to us. The induna said that we should eat imbuya weeds.’ The induna then told the impi from his place that no more people should be killed.30 So the people who had been hiding came back, and were given protection (tola). They were told to go to the Zulu country, those who had not been stabbed, our fathers, and that they should konza.

But they did not like konzaing in the Zulu country. They said that when the Zulu people spoke to them they would say, ‘Where is this thing from?’ Others would say, ‘This is a worthless thing (inkengana).’ Another would say, ‘These are amaLala from the Ngcobo country.’ Our fathers said to one another, ‘Let us make our escape. Let us take the children of our chief and go and konza to Dube, who is of our people, the Ngcobo.’ He had not yet been killed by the king, and still ruled according to the old ways.

After Tshaka had sent out his impi to go and kill Mafongosi, he sent it out against Sirayo ka Mapoloba, close by. It killed him, like Mafongosi. He sent it out again, this time against Tondolozi ka Tayi; he too was killed, like Mafongosi and Sirayo. The people went off to Dube; the impi had now killed three chiefs. It was the people of the chiefs, their izizwe, who went off, those who had escaped from the fighting, some of them with wounds. At that time Dube lived at eGqalabeni, at the Nsuze.31 He said, ‘For my part, I do not want the amaqiyana;471 they will bring war onto me. I have konza’d in the Zulu country. Because you resisted, your izizwe were overcome. I do not want you to come here to me; you will bring me trouble (umkoka).’ 472 [Cf. izinkomo zamarole.]473

…<Praises of Dube omitted - eds.>

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The men of those three chiefs spoke in private among themselves, three of them, where they had encamped in temporary shelters. The men alone went forward to speak to Dube, ‘the striped one’;474 the others stayed behind at the encampment. The three of them said, ‘Wo! See now, Ngcobo people, we can no longer konza in the Zulu country. They will always point us out, saying, “Where is this thing from?” Let us go and konza to Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe. While we were still living comfortably (busa), before we were destroyed by the Zulu, we heard that Tshaka said,32 “You, Zihlandhlo, you are my umnawe. You may have your own isigodhlo. None of the amaLala will ever be allowed to have an isigodhlo. I am appointing you as my umnawe; you are my brother.”’ Then the emaLangeni people said, ‘No, for our part we shall not go to the eMbo country; we shall go to Nzombane, the chief of the emaBomvini, of the Ngubane.’ The Nyuswa people and the Ngongoma people said, ‘No, for our part we shall go to Zihlandhlo, at eSimahleni’ (the name of his umuzi). They separated there in Dube’s country. The imizi of Tondolozi said that it was going to the emaBomvini; it went off. The imizi of the Nyuswa and of the Ngongoma came to Zihlandhlo and were given protection.

Zihlandhlo asked for the sons of the chiefs who had died. They showed him the two imihlati.475 He said, as he looked at them, ‘Tell me which ones are the chief sons, those who will inherit.’ They pointed out Dubuyana ka Sirayo; among the people of Mafongosi they pointed out Sipandhla, the father of Mbozane. (Dubuyana was the father of Deliweyo.) He then allocated them to his various imizi. He placed them among all his imizi, so that those who were sons of chiefs were not all in one umuzi. He then picked out cattle, so that they should eat; he took care of them. He said,33 ‘See now, I want to bring these sons of chiefs under my protection, for they are of the Ngcobo people; they are my abakwenyana;476 our sisters married Mapoloba, the father of Sirayo.’ He went on, ‘When Tshaka attacks other peoples (ezizweni), he calls up the abaMbo to be his impi, to go and fight for him. The cattle which are eaten up by the abaMbo are given over (etula) to the Zulu. Tshaka looks at them carefully, then he divides them up; he fills up an isigodi with them.477 He says, “There are yours, Zihlandhlo. It is you who must divide them up among your warriors. For it is you who know them; I do not know them; it is you whom I know.”’ Zihlandhlo continued, ‘When Tshaka orders me to arm, when the abaMbo are arming, Dubuyana and Sipandhla will not be called up, even if their age-grade is arming, for they are izintandane.478 I do not want to put izintandane in danger. They have come here with many men; these men will fight for me.’

So they built; they settled; they established themselves (busa) in the Embo country. To tell the truth, all the chiefs who were destroyed by Tshaka went to konza in the Embo country, to Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe. I too know the Embo people well, for they gave protection to our fathers and to the chiefs of our people; they danced (sina) together.34 After the house of the Embo people had been killed off, after it had been destroyed by Dingana, and after Dingana had fought with the Boers, a way of crossing the Tugela was opened up. In Tshaka’s time the whole country was his as far as the Mzimkulu. There was no one who could escape by crossing the Tukela, for the whole country was his. A way through, so that a person could cross the

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Tukela and draw breath, was ‘pierced’ (boboka) when Mpande crossed over and came to the Boers.

When the umuzi of our people, the people of Tondolozi ka Tayi, went to the emaBomvini, they were told that they were being given protection, but they were being deceived. The amaBomvu rose up and stabbed them, and wiped out (buqa) the men. So the people of Tondolozi - for there were still his sisters and his brothers, the children of Tayi and of Tondolozi - the men who had escaped from the emaBomvini, said, ‘Wo! Let us escape with the children of Tayi and go to eNsikeni,479 to Macingwane, the chief of the Cunu, to his umuzi, eNgonyameni.’ So this is what they did.35 When they were near the iSinyambuzi, a ridge which runs from Ntunjambili,480 the weather changed and snow fell. The cold struck down the people of Tayi and finished them off. Only the imfiti were left (people who were not his).481 The men of the section which stayed behind, who were called the isizinda, the foremost section of the main house (inhloko ya ondhlalifa), together with the people of the ikohlo section, and those of the inqadi section, and their wives, were destroyed.482 People talked of ‘the ridge of the people of Tayi’. Tshaka came to be bongwa’d with this saying (isiga), when people said,

The one who cut across the bones of the people of Tayi,

Who were overcome with cold when going to Macingwane at eNgonyameni.483

It is said that Tshaka came to kwa Mambulu, where a leopard was caught in an umwowane trap.484 The uMambulu is a stream which flows from the eSinyambuzi to join the Tukela. (Umwowane - lion, leopard, and monkey trap.) At the Mambulu the country was that of the Osiyana people; the chief of the place was Mvakela ka Kumalo ka Manjanja ka Mzingeli ka Zukula. They also are of the house of the Ngcobo. ‘Camana, Cube!’ - this shows they are in some way connected with Cubes. ‘Camana, Cube’ is Osiyana praise-name (isibongo).

You people are ongoti, ompeta; you go in the water like fish - refers to white people.485

36Gala tells Tshaka to put a stone in his stomach.486

When Nandi died, Tshaka ordered that there should be no cultivating. If he saw the flower of a maize plant, he would destroy those imizi. He ordered that cows should not be milked; calves should suck from their mothers. If a woman was seen to be pregnant, after the order had been given that people should not have children, and that women should not go into the huts with their husbands.487 He ordered that no grain for izinkobe should be ground, nor isijingi, nor should grain be ground for beer.488 Neither men nor women should shave the head; the izihluthu of the men grew as long as those of youths who had not put on the headring.489 Headrings slipped onto the face, onto the eyebrows, including that of Shaka himself.

Then Gala ka Nodade ka Mgutshwa ka Muntsha ka Ndaba came forward; he came from his umuzi, ekuDinekeni (when a person becomes tired of another).490 He went to Tshaka’s home, to his umuzi, kwaBulawayo. When he came to the gate he

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called out the praises of the Zulu chiefs, Senzangakona and Jama, then those of Tshaka. He went up the umuzi, calling out the praises of Tshaka. He came up to where Tshaka’s hut was in the isigodhlo; he was at the fence of the isigodhlo. When he had finished bongaing, he spoke up, saying, ‘Hau! Nkosi! You are destroying your land! What will you rule over? Why are you destroying the uhlanga? When Senzangakona died, nothing like this was done. When your grandfather Jama died, this was not done.37 You are destroying the land! Your land will be built on by other chiefs, for it will be destroyed by hunger. There is no more cultivating; there is no more milking of the cows. They will be taken by those chiefs who are cultivating. Nkosi, you have died because of your mother. Put a stone in your stomach. Let the umuzi of the Zulu not start dying out!’

Tshaka said, ‘Ngomane!’ (of the kwa Caya people); ‘Mdhlaka!’ (of the emGazini); ‘Mpangazita’ (ka Mncumbata, of the emaNcwangeni); ‘Mbopa! Hear this man, this son of my grandfathers. What sort of men are you? Have you ever told me to put a stone in my stomach?’ (This meant that he should stop crying, that he should leave off mourning for the person who had died, that he hold back his crying, and not continually think of the person who had died.) He said, ‘Mbopa! Take the razor and shave my head, and sew on my headring.’ He told others of his izinceku to take two oxen and give them to Gala; they were to drive them for him, and take him to his home, where he was to slaughter and eat, ‘for he has spoken a great word that has given me courage, by telling me that I must put a stone in my stomach. For your part, Gala, when you come to your home you must put on the headring, and tell your people to do the same.’

A man who who was at Gala’s home, Magudwini ka Nala, was sitting with numbers of other men, with Nkukula ka Mgutshwa. They were sitting in the shade. They saw him approaching. He said, ‘We! Magudwini. Take a razor and sew on a headring for me.’ All the men were astonished. They said, ‘Hau! What are you

saying?’ Hayi! Magudwini simply stood there.38 Gala said again, ‘Magudwini, why are you standing there? Did you not hear me say go and fetch a razor and sew on a headring for me?’ So Magudwini went off to fetch a razor. The men said, ‘So Gala is coming from Bulawayo? He told us, “I have had enough, for the king is destroying me. I speak of the order with which he is destroying his country: the order that there should be no cultivating, and no milking, and that no children are to be conceived.”’ Then Magudwini came up with the razor and water. The izinceku who were driving the cattle also arrived, together with his mat-bearers. Magudwini proceeded to shave him and sew on his headring. Magudwini was the man who sewed on headrings. He began with Gala, and when he had finished he then sewed on headrings for Nkukula and the others. The order to sew on headrings was given throughout the country.

I heard this story from Magudwini, the one who did the sewing-on. Gala lived at the eSilambo, which flows into the Tukela from Esiweni sa Manqe.491 Gala was the father of Mpezeni, who was the father of Mhlakaza (man I know, of Indhluyengwe, still living).

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3.10.1921

File 58, nbk. 25, pp. 39-42.

39The sons of Nkungu ka Mepo ka Ngwane ka Lamula ka Ngwabini ka Bengu ka Dhlabazane ka Lusibalukulu ka Songololo (Ntshongololo) [see note on this name, really only an isibongo, on p. 42].492 (Left-handed son not allow to reign.)493

The heir was Ndhlokolo ka Nkungu. Hlangabeza, who was a son of Nkungu, was not in line for the chiefship. After they had grown up and after the death of their father, who was killed by Dingana, Faku ka Mepo, who ruled for them when they were children, and who was uyisekazi,494 came together with Mayeza ka Mqweleba and Cinwa and Jali, sons of the previous chief. Mambedu ka Mepo, and others of the chief’s house (amadod’ oku zalwa), said, ‘We of the Mepo people say, “Here is the chief of us amaNgcolosi peple; it is Ndhlokolo.”’ The previously mentioned men, Faku, Mayeza, Cinwa and Jali, objected to this. They said, ‘For our part, we shall not be ruled by a left-handed person (inxele). An inxele becomes an itshinga, and spoils the umuzi.495 We do not want a chief who holds a shield with his right hand, when all the rest of us hold it with our left.’ These men objected strongly. That is what happened, before the sons of the chief had begun to rule, when Faku was still ruling, when all the amaNgcolosi lived at the uMngeni, below the iNtshangwe.496

Then Faku, who was ruling, went off to the Tukela, at Ntunjambili, to the Manzalati (which flows into the Tukela). He went off with all Nkungu’s inheritance (ifa) of cattle, together with Hlangabeza, whom he wanted as chief, together with that part of the people (isizwe) which favoured Hlangabeza.40 The rest of the isizwe, the part which favoured Ndhlokolo, remained with him at the Mngeni. But many went off with Faku to the Tukela. A dispute (umbango) grew up. It was reported to Somsewu. Somsewu held an examination into the case. All the people were present, those from the Mngeni and those from the Tugela. Somsewu heard the story which I have told. He then appointed Ndhlokolo as chief. He said, ‘Though he is an inxele, he is your chief through the appointment of the mothers (ngoku bekwa kwa onina).’ Faku was told to give up the cattle; Nkungu’s inheritance was to go to Ndhlokolo. They were disputing over the umuzi of Nkungu, the ikanda of eSinyameni. They were disputing over the isiNyama. The cattle came back; they came back to Ndhlokolo, the left-handed one. I saw those cattle myself when I was living at oZwatini, at our place in the Nyuswa country. This was before the Langalibalele matter; I was still herding then; I was herding amatole; I was the chief ingqwele.497 The cattle flattened the grass as they came by; they went to Ndhlokolo at the Mngeni.

The great umuzi of Nkungu was esiNyameni, the place of Ndhlokolo’s people. Hlangabeza was lobola’d with cattle from the place of Faku’s people. For when Nkungu came to Faku’s umuzi he would sleep in the ilawu.498 Then the chief said, ‘Wo!41 No, my people. Let cattle be taken and let him take a wife here at home. Let him have his own hut, so that if night overtakes him he should sleep in it and not have to sleep in the ilawu.’ So that wife was lobola’d with cattle from Faku’s place. This woman was the mother of Hlangabeza. Hlangabeza lost the case through this. Somsewu said, ‘If you had been a girl, your cattle would have been taken by Faku,

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in place of the cattle of his umuzi which had been used to lobola your mother. You, Faku, you are appointing Hlangabeza because he is your ‘heir’ (ifa lako), because his mother was lobola’d with cattle of your place, eNgwavuma (the umuzi of Faku’s people). Why do you want him to inherit the cattle from eSinyameni, from the place of Ndhlokolo’s people? You are not appointing him according to law (ngo mteto); you are appointing him because he is your favourite (ngo kumtanda). I am deciding the case of inheritance against him.’

Hlangabeza then ruled over the people who favoured him and had appointed him. He built an umuzi which he called eMandhleni, because he had built it through his own strength (amandhla), and not by means of Nkungu’s inheritance. It does not seem that the case finished him off, for he had a large number of people (isizwe). He returned to live in the original lands (izwe lo ku dabuka) of his people at the eManzalati, at kwa Ntunjambili. The graves of all the Ngcolosi chiefs are there. It is only his father,42 Nkungu, who is buried at the eMkumbane, for he was put to death by Dingane, though he had done nothing at all.499 But there were rumours (izinsolo) that he was going to run away to the Boers at the Mlazi.

If it had not been for Somsewu and the English, people would still be ruling according to the customs of former times (ngo kwa sendulo). According to the custom about left-handed people, it would have been Hlangabeza who ruled, for it was said that a left-handed person should not rule.

People said, ‘Songololo, we were about to eat you, but became afraid, for we saw so many legs.’ [See p. 39.]500

All the descendants (uzalo) of Mepo ka Ngwane ka Lamula of the Ngcolosi people went over to Hlangabeza, for they were afraid of being ruled by a left-handed person. Of these descendants, those who were on Ndhlokolo’s side were Mambedu (a mature man, a son of the chief) and Zitoya ka Mepo.

[This ‘left-hand’ disqualification is found operating in Swaziland; see my old large nbk. no. 3, pp. 125, 126.501 Now, Ngcolosi people are descended from the Swazis, as their ancestors’ names show clearly. Hence the disqualification in the above story is probably derived from Swaziland.]

[For continuation by Socwatsha see next - grey - nbk. 3.10.1921.]502

3.10.1921

File 58, nbk. 22, pp. 1-21.

1Socwatsha continues.

The hut of Ntombazi of the people of Langa.503 [See nbk. dating from 11.5.1916- 23.5.1916, p. 70 thereof, for other remarks by Socwatsha re this.]504

Her hut was built like any other hut. When Zwide killed another chief, his head was cut off and it was hung up at the back (emsamo) of Ntombazi’s hut. He did this to all the chiefs whom he defeated. [Take in here, 3 lines, p. 2.]505 It was said that no one went into that hut. A person would no sooner put his head inside than he would break out into a heavy sweat and fall down, for the heads of the chiefs were hanging

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up at the back. As I have heard it, the story became well known (isiga). A person, a child, might be called when it was in a hut, perhaps by its father or his umnewabo.506 He would say, ‘I have been calling you for a long time, but you have not come. Is it because you were saying that you would never go into the hut, the place of Ntombazi ka Langa, where people never went in? I’ll come in there and beat you!’ Those who did not know the story would ask, ‘Hau! Why did people not go in to the place of Ntombazi?’ The others would then tell the story which I have told.

I think that Ntombazi was the sister of Zwide. She may have been the sister of Langa,2 for people said she was of the people of Langa (o wa oLanga), Ntombazi wa oLanga. I think her umnewabo was Langa. I judge from this that she was not Zwide’s wife but his sister. When people talk about her they say, ‘uNtombazi wa oLanga;’507 they do not say, ‘uNtombazi ka Langa, as in the case of Zwide, who is referred to as ‘uZwide ka Langa’.

There are many chiefs called Zwide.

[Go in p. 1.] Zwide had the heads hung up at the back of the hut where the inkata ye mpi was. He was showing that he was superior (qonela); he was ‘treading’ on them.

The great battle which was fought between Tshaka and Zwide at the Mhlatuze.508

Tshaka led Zwide on; he went down the uGcongco at the Nkandhla, crossed the Nsuze, crossed the Tukela, and ascended at Ntunjambili, together with his cattle, womenfolk, children, and impi. Tshaka said,‘I know what Zwide is doing. He is not making war by means of cattle; he is carrying amabele with him. Let me cause him to be in want of amabele. Let the amabele be taken out and burnt in all the country at the Mhlatuze and the Mvuzane and at the Maqonga and at oSungulweni and at the Ntolwane and at the Mamba.’3 This was done. He continually sent out spies to keep watch, an impana [a little force] of them, so that they could always tell him where the impi was. The impi appeared at the Maqonga; it went down the Ntolwana and came to the Madungela (near the store at the drift at kwa Ndondondwana). It turned back; it was now running out of food. It came back by the Madungela. It then left the Madungela and went up by the Mabululu, a ridge which runs from ezinSungulweni.

At this point Tshaka sent out his impi. He sent it out from this side of the Tukela. He said as he sent it out, ‘Wo! They are suffering from hunger!’ He said to his amabandhla, ‘I am sending out the uNomdayana, the uMgumanqa, and the uNteke.’ These were the ‘greyish’ ones (mhlotshana). (He, T., also calls them thus.) There were men who were said to be of the ‘white’ amabuto, the older ones, the ‘greyish’ ones, older men who had recently put on the headring. The ‘black’ ones were the youths (izinsizwa). ‘You will come up with them at oSungulweni. You will attack them. If you feel that they are beginning to give way, if they are failing to advance, then hit them hard, and then fall back this way, so that you cause them to delay. Make as if you are running away from them.4 Tomorrow I shall bring on the white ones; they will make the attack.’ He was referring to the uNtontela, the uMbelebele, the uSiklebe and the uFasimba (‘the uNomgomba of the daytime, uGobandwane’ - the long grass).509

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Then he ordered up the black ones, the uMbonambi and the iSipezi. He told them to make for Zwide’s home, for his impi was absent. ‘You will find him alone. Catch him and kill him. When his impi arrives home it will find only ruins; you will have destroyed their homes. You, the umpakati, will have gone in there.’510 So on the day when the grey ones fought, they did as Tshaka had ordered. The sun went down and they were still fighting.

It was Tshaka himself who said that the white amabuto were the older ones, of the older men, while the ones which had just put on the headring were the grey ones.

The next day the white ones came with Tshaka himself. He had already heard about the fighting which the impi had done the day before; he had heard about it before he slept. There were some - those who were his ‘eyes’ - who had not fought; he brought them on the next day.5 The Ndwandwe had come down and were close to the Mhlatuze, at the Mvuzane (which flows into the Mhlatuze). His impi attacked. All the amabuto were there, the white ones and the grey ones (those which had fought the day before). The fight began on this side of the Mhlatuze, at kwa Nomveve, at eBomvaneni (a hill with cliffs). He began by sending forward the grey ones. Before the white ones had begun to fight, he ordered their amakala to fight, their izinhlangoti (the ikala is the same thing as the uhlangoti.)511 The white ones then entered the fight. The Ndwandwe impi gqumuka’d; it retreated. They were exhausted from hunger; they had had nothing to eat. The cunning one (iqili) had destroyed the amabele in advance! His impi drove them into the Mhlatuze and across the other side. The Zulu impi also crossed over. On the other side the Ndwandwe turned round and threw back (gqimula) the Zulu; they drove them into the Mhlatuze and back to this side. The Zulu came back to this side, and all the Ndwandwe crossed over. They fought. The Zulu drove the Ndwandwe back into the Mhlatuze and across to the other side as they had done before.6 Again the Ndwandwe turned round and drove them back. Zwide’s amabandhla, the amaNkayiya and the amaPela, drove them into the Mhlatuze.

That is how the matter rested. The Ndwandwe drove the Zulu back, and the Zulu drove the Ndwandwe back. I cannot say how many onslaughts (iziwombe) there were, for the men who told me the story - Bovu ka Nomabuqabuqa (of Intontela regiment), Makobosi (Intontela), Mzuzu (Fasimba) ka Nkataza, and Xawana (Fasimba) told me this - said they did not know. [Iwombe - to clash and separate, then clash again and separate; each such clashing is iwombe.]512 The Mhlatuze turned red; the water became red with the blood of men. The men who were killed, those who died in the water, were like an ucaca. [See Bryant.]513 On that bank of the river and on this one there were bodies everywhere. Those who were driven back had to climb over piles of bodies, and in both impis, the one which was running away and the one which was driving them back, men were cut by the assegais of the dead. This continued until the sun went down. In the end it was the Zulu who finally drove the enemy back.7 They stabbed them and drove them off. They ran away, making for their homes. The Zulu stabbed them from behind, following them.

There at the Mhlatuze, when it was all over, when the Ndwandwe no longer came back, Ndhlela ka Sompisi crossed over, and was given these praises,‘The one who crossed over; all the iNtontela crossed over; umwelela kwe li petsheya; the log on which sat the amaNkayiya’.514

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As for the black amabuto, those which had been ordered to make for Zwide’s umuzi, eMfakuceba, at Nongoma, when they came out into the open, heading for the umuzi though still some distance from it, the womenfolk of the place raised a cry, ‘Ki! Ki! Ki! Ki! Ki!’ They thought that the men were of their side; they did not see that it was the Zulu. They cried, ‘The amabandhla of Sikova and Langa are returning, those of the clever one who was stabbed, the fools had not yet been stabbed.’ They cried, ‘Halala! The amabandhla are returning, those of the one who hurried to get to Matshobana’s; even his father Langa did not manage to get there.’

For his part Zwide said, ‘It is not our people! It is the enemy!’ He fled. He fled with his milking cattle.5158 The impi did not catch up with him, even though he made off just before it arrived. It was travelling slowly; it was not hurrying. When Tshaka’s impi arrived it ate up the cattle which were left. He had not driven them all off; what would he have done with them? It burnt the imizi; it burnt the great umuzi of eMfakuceba, at Nongoma.

When the Ndwandwe army which had been defeated by the Zulu at the Mhlatuze neared their home, they saw that the imizi were burning. They said, ‘Weu! So the Zulu are here; they are in front of us! We left them at the Mhlatuze, but here they are in front of us!’ They did not know that an impi had gone ahead to their home. They thought that they had fought with the whole Zulu force at the Mhlatuze. They had no more strength; they passed on; they took up Zwide’s trail and followed their king. Tshaka’s men formed up together and waited for the impi which was advancing in pursuit of those whom they had scattered at the Mhlatuze. Then the impi took up the trail to try to catch Zwide. It did not succeed; it managed only to eat up his cattle.9 It captured (panga) the children of the king, and the cattle, and the iziboto, those who were unable to run away. It stabbed some of them and took others captive. It aimed especially to capture children and women.

Somapunga became tired during the flight, and came back to konza in the Zulu country.516

For my part, I heard in this way that Tshaka had reached Ntunjambili. Then he turned back to fight at the Mhlatuze, while the womenfolk were still at Ntunjambili, in the open country, on the ridge where the people of Tayi had suffered from cold. The cattle of the Zulu crossed over because they had defeated the Ndwandwe. There at Nongoma, after they had defeated the Ndwandwe, they proceeded to build imizi, so that Tshaka could fulatela the country, so that all of it could be his. (Ukufulatela means to take, to take it for himself and throw it behind him, as the English did with Tshaka’s country.)517

If Tshaka had not burnt the food, he would not have defeated them. He fought them at the Mhlatuze when they had had nothing to eat.10 That the Ndwandwe nevertheless fought at the Mhlatuze was because they were a strong house (indhlu ya mandhla).

In the Zulu country, matters of former times were not discussed, to prevent blood from being spilt. Only the police (amapoyisa) discussed them, uNkunya. In the Zulu country, a man would live on guard (ezilindile) to prevent his blood from being spilt. For a man who spoke about these things would be killed. It would be asked,

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‘Where did you get these matters from?’ It was said, ‘You will ruin the land with this talking.’

To talalisa is to ziba; it is to avoid asking about a matter. [I.e. hear what one says, but pass it over because not wishing to enter on the subject, because perhaps a thorny one.] Zibezwile - name of man, from ziba and izwa.518

The country has become ill, it has become ‘dark’ (mnyama), from this matter of dances (ukusina).519 Fighting done at all marriages (udwendwe)520 - assegais secreted. People tending now to refrain from going, afraid of being involved in a ‘case’.

11Tribes of Zululand. Disposition of when first Tshaka came to throne. (List incomplete.)

Mtetwa. Lived at the Mfolozi rivers. Dingiswayo ka Jobe.

Mpukunyoni. Lived at the Mfolozi rivers. Veyana, father of Mayanda, father of Somkele.

Dube. Nzwakele ka Kutshwayo. They lived on this side of the Mhlatuze, at oHlangeni. The beds of reeds (umhlanga) there were large; it was buffalo country. Nzwakele ka Kutshwayo were chiefs, the first in Tshaka’s time. Ntungeyezana ka Habana ka Nzwakele. They lived between Mhlatuze and Mlalazi.

Qwabe. Pakatwayo. Adjoining Dube on Mhlatuze and going up the river. At the source of the Mlalazi, the country of the Qwabe. At Enkanini (Yamela) there is a spring called the spring of Kondhlo.521 Extended over Tukela; cf. Nqeto.522 Took in Ngoye. Inwaku - Kondhlo was buried there; ‘I swear by Kondhlo at the Nwaku’. Lufuta, Mncinci are buried near Matigulu, all near Nwaku. Entumeni was occupied by amaMbedu (of the Qwabe people). They went as far as eMatibomvwana, and extending to where this enters Matigulu.

Nyuswa. Mapoloba, chief, ka Mbele. Isiwa sa manqe is inside; all the Impapala, the uSungulo, and the Mamba and maDidima stream, occupied by this tribe, and Masundwaneni stream, enters Tukela; Imamba enters Tugela. Madungela fell in this tribe’s land, also Mabengela. Ndondondwana drift fell in Nyuswa tribe.

amaQadi. Chief Dube ka Silwane; chief kraal, eBaNtungweni; built this at eNgabane (bush country), going towards the Tukela, where the Mamba goes towards the Tukela. To the west of Mabengela and Madungela, looking towards the Nsuze (they reached as far as the Nsuze); Dube’s land wasopposite Ndondondwana. To the east of Mabengela and Madungela was Mapoloba,523 on this side of the Mamba, and on the other side.

12Ngongoma. Chief Bovungana ka Mavela; chief kraal eMdunyeni, ‘umdumo who eats the hides’ (isibongo of the umuzi). Mpatesita (Magwaza) and Mjadu ka Sigananda (Cube) now occupy his land. We lived all about iNkunzana, and stretched to Halambu and up to the Mome gorge. We always lived on this side of the Nsuze. There is a a hill called uNomtulwa; the river is to the west of Nomtulwa, at Ezimbabaleni, or the river of the mbabala.524 Today it is the boundary of the land of Mjadu and Mlokotwa.525 The iTulwane (stream) was our boundary. On far or upper side of that stream was amaNsomi tribe, the

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emaNsomeni. The chief of the place was Moyeni ka Kude ka Nomdayi ka Sindila.

Nsomi. Chief Moyeni or Kude ka Nomdayi ka Sindila at time of Tshaka’s anabasis. Chief kraal — <sic>; a small tribe, lived near Nomtulwa hill, and iSimakade hill.

abaMbo. Macala hill was in their land and belonged to Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe. Abutted on Tukela. Gubela was buried above the Nsuze, to the east of Macala. Kabazele was also buried at the Macala. Gcwabe was buried there, at the old sites of eSimahleni. Over there their country went as far as Qudeni, where it met that of the amaCunu. Chief Zihlandhlo ka Gcwabe ka Kabazele ka Mavovo ka Gubela. Chief kraal esiMahleni. Our fathers used to konza there. Hence this tribe is well known to us. Manyane stream runs through Embo land, and enters Tukela; eHlwane stream runs through Embo land. In front of the Hlwane is Kotongweni hill; in front of the Kotongo is the iMfongosi - enters Tugela. I think the Mfongosi was boundary between Embo and Cunu tribes, although in those days kraals of one chief intermingled with those of another - no hard and fast boundaries. The amaSolosolo stream (enters Nzuze) was inside the Embo country.

13Cunu. Chief Macingwane ka Jama ka Luboko ka Nyanda, chief kraal eNgonyameni, don’t know where. Their land stretched to eTaleni and on across Mhlatuze. They occupied the Qude mountain. They also occupied land later lived on by Mbuzo ka Mngeni ka Menyelwa, of the Ntuli people, at kwa Ngono (the ingono of the pumpkin).526

Bomvu. Chief Nzombane ka Matomela ka Ndhlovu ka Nomafu ka Nongcukumana - chief kraal, don’t know. Rivers, uMzinyati - don’t know small streams. They lived at eQudeni, to the west, bordering on amaCunu country. The boundary was not the Mzinyati; it was the Tukela.

Butelezi. Chief Pungatshe ka —, chief kraal —. There was no chief son of Pungatshe left.

Mbata. They dabuka’d at eNhlazatshe. Chief Mbudhlele ka —, chief kraal —. Mbadu was his son, may have been his, Mbudhlele’s, chief son. Then Diyikana ka Hlakanyana came to prominence (qama), and Manyosi ka Dhlekezele. They did so by means of the war shield (isihlangu), through fighting. The line of Mbadu and his chief son Somizi came to an end (cima).

The millet (upoko) which was sent to Somsewu from Cetshwayo.527

Sintwangu ka Ntenjane, of the Cele people, of the iTshitshi regiment, was an envoy of Cetshwayo’s. He was sent to Mgungundhlovu by Cetshwayo,528 together with another man, Nkomesiswebu of the Xaba people. He went with Sidindi ka Mnqunela of the Xulu people, a mature man, and another mature man, Mpepa ka Ndengezi ka Kuzwayo of the Mdhlalose people. They were always sent. After a while, when a quarrel was growing between the white people and Cetshwayo, they arrived carrying a bag of millet.14 They said to Somsewu, ‘Wo! We have been sent by the inkosi, Cetshwayo. He says here is a bag of millet. Let the number of grains be counted. We Zulu people are as numerous!’ Somsewu replied, ‘Yebo! Is this what

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Cetshwayo says to me? O, now here is the hide of a beast. Let him count the number of hairs on it.’ He said, ‘For our part, we English are as numerous as the hairs of the beast. That is all I have to say. I think that the son of Mpande has become drunk from ruling (udakwe umbuso).’ That is the end.

Some time after the affair of the millet, envoys were sent to Cetshwayo. Somsewu and Mr Gallwey went to eHlobane, or eLoyi, or eKambule. A hearing was held on the question of the land of the Zulu. The Boers said that the land at eNgcaka and eDumbe and oBivana and eLoyi was theirs. It was Somsewu who went, together with Mr Gallwey (Mis Galweni). Then the chiefs of the Boers came to open a case at Mgungundhlovu, with the Government. Izinduna and other men from the Zulu country also came.15 Then Somsewu said, ‘You Boers say the land was given to you by Mpande. Now show your paper, signed by Mpande. For you are disputing with Cetshwayo; Mpande, who gave you the land, is dead. Show the book in which you wrote this. Let us also see the oxen with which you gave thanks to the king.’ But the Boers could not show a paper. They said there was no paper, for the agreement had been a spoken one. ‘And the oxen with which we gave thanks, they were not written down.’ So the judgement of Somsewu and Mis Galweni was the Boers had no case. ‘You should have written it down. The land is Cetshwayo’s.’529

The same day, if I remember right, Somsewu asked Mnyamana, ‘Where is Cetshwayo?’530 ‘He is not here; he is at home.’ ‘Why did he not come?’ ‘O! He heard that you were coming, and sent me, as his induna, to speak with another induna. He would have come if the Queen had come, another inkosi, one who is as great as he.16 Because she sent her induna, you, Somsewu, Cetshwayo sent his induna, me, Mnyamana, so that the two izinduna should speak.’

While this matter was being discussed, a gun went off, all together [volley], all those of the amabuto, the uDududu, uMbonambi, uNokenke, iNdhluyengwe, uKandempemvu, iNgobamakosi, uLuve - in all the amabuto those who did not have them went to the side. It went off, and the bullet went to the side [i.e. aimed to one side], but close by. The discussion was being held when it went off; it was heard. Somsewu said, ‘What is that, Mnyamana?’ Bejane, an inceku, replied, ‘It is the boys; the gun went off because of the heat of the sun.’ Somsewu became angry. They then packed up and went off; they went back to Mgungundhlovu. Though he went off, Somsewu wrote all the words down.

I heard that during the meeting Bejana ka Nomageje, an inceku of Cetshwayo’s, called out to Somsewu, ‘Here, white man! (Mina, mlungu!).’ I heard it again when Malimade was discussing this former matter with Siyunguza.53117 Siyunguza said, ‘I reproved Bejana. When we arrived at Cetshwayo’s, we discussed the matter.’

The oath (isifungo) of the Ngongoma is, ‘I swear by the inkosi who died when people were nyenyezaing.’532 They said this because some were always saying, ‘Hau! Are you saying that these are all envoys?’ [See story re Mafongosi ka Bovungana in preceeding notebook (crimson), date 2.10.1921.]533

Tshaka used to like take people unawares (ukuzuma).

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AmaDhlelandongeni [noted in Bryant, Dictionary] - a nickname for the Zulus, says Socwatsha, for they are fond of eating by themselves.534

Possibility of litigation between Daviti (David) alias Nyawana, and Solomoni (Solomon) alias Nkayitshane, alias Mapumuzana.535

When Dinuzulu’s coffin was brought to Nobamba, it was decided that Mpatshana, Nyawana’s eldest sister, should be the first to dig Dinuzulu’s grave. She, in the absence of Nyawana, accordingly took a hoe, dug it in twice, and then laid it down, doing this on behalf of her brother Nyawana. The duty really was his as chief son (inkosana),18 for he was regarded as such by Mankulumana, Ndabankulu, and Lokotwayo, Dinuzulu’s chief inceku.536 Miss Colenso was present.537 She took David by the right hand, and Solomon by the left, but the greater number of the Zulu men, including Mnyaiza ka Ndabuko and Mkebeni ka Dabulamanzi, began to murmur at her mistake.538 Solomon produced a paper from his pocket, and gave it to Miss Colenso, who, reading it, said that it was in Dinuzulu’s handwriting and that it appointed Solomon his son and heir. This announcement greatly pleased the majority. It was on the same occasion arranged that Solomon should have Mahashini and Usutu kraals, whilst David should have Nobamba. As the Baqulusi of the Vryheid district regarded themselves as belonging to Nobamba, having originally been attached there, they said that by David being given Nobamba it was as if he was being appointed their head, instead of the natural head, Solomon.

Solomon’s mother was Mkasilomo. She is dead. It seems that during Dinuzulu’s lifetime she was caught committing adultery with Mkebeni. It was Dinuzulu who sent a party to catch them. On the first attempt to catch them, the dogs of the kraal where they both were barked and so warned Mkebeni, who got away.19 But steps were later taken to feed and shut the dogs up, and when the party sent by Dinuzulu arrived they went to a hut and found Mkebeni and Mkasilomo together in it. Mkebeni got out and ran away. Mkasilomo was caught and brought to Dinuzulu who, getting a pair of pincers, told her to laugh. She did so, when he pulled out all her front teeth (top jaw), as well as had both her ears to be cut right off as a mark whereby it should ever be known that she had committed adultery. She then left and went to live at another kraal. Solomon was born before Dinuzulu sent this woman away, hence he cannot, according to English practice, be charged with any responsibility for what had occurred, and so disinherited.

Nyawana is now contemplating legal proceedings, though Socwatsha does not see how he can succeed, especially as the great majority are on Solomon’s side, including Mankulumana, who formerly espoused David’s side. At the same time, Socwatsha feels there will be some trouble in the matter, although 8 or 9 years have elapsed since Dinuzulu was buried.20

It seems that when the attempt was made to appoint David as heir, Mnyaiza ka Ndabuko, as voicing the feeling of the main body of Zulus, protested, saying Mankulumana wanted to appoint someone favourable to the Ndwandwe house, that Ndabankulu ka Lukwazi favoured his side, and Lokotwayo wanted someone to favour his. David himself was very free in using his sjambok on elderly men when in the Transvaal with his father.

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The Zulus who were with Dinuzulu in the Transvaal got so used to the land that they liked it. Dinuzulu accumulated 60 head of cattle and 180 sheep etc. there. As the Government would not allow the Zulus to have land to live on there, as they wanted to do, on the ground that the tribe must all live in one district, so they moved all the stock down to Solomon, handing same over to him.

Socwatsha says ill-feeling between David (Nyawana) and Solomon is intense now; they are not on visiting terms, and that is why he thinks something may occur between them, either litigation or fighting.

21Mciteki ka Zibebu told Socwatsha, ‘We are of the place of Mhlabangubo.’539 The meaning of this is that Zibebu, in stabbing Cetshwayo, was stabbing the blanket or ingubo that was covering him.

4.10.1921

File 58, nbk. 22, pp. 21-49.

Socwatsha continues.

[See pencil note (made today) in red notebook, in which general evidence by Mkebeni ka Dabulamanzi and Socwatsha himself is given - p. 5 thereof - re Cetshwayo’s Zinhlendhleni and siQwageni kraals.540 Now go on thus.]

Close to Cetshwayo’s Gingindhlovu kraal was a little one called eMbaneni [lightning],541 quite small, say ten huts or less, but many amabele pits there, where food for Gingindhlovu kraal was put.

Tshaka’s kraal uFasimba was built close to Cetshwayo’s esiQwageni. The Fasimba site is on nice ground, to left of road going towards Nkanini, and near a little hill. The Fasimba regiment kleza’d there, i.e. at this kraal. Fasimba - like mist, but haze.

Dinuzulu was born at eZindhlendhleni, near siQwageni kraal, close to Dhlinza forest. The daughter of Msweli was an isizi of that place, eZindhlendhleni.542 They were of good colour (ibal’ elihle) - handsome, good-looking girls; became umdhlunkulu, i.e. of men who had been killed by the king for some reason, whilst others became isizi (those who had been pangwa’d);22 boys were also called isizi; others were made into izigqila.543 An isigqila was attached to an inkosikazi or the inkosi, doing all the menial work, viz. making fire, sweeping etc.

The daughter of Msweli was isizi of Zindhlendhleni. I do know why Msweli was killed. Msweli was of emaNzimeleni tribe, I fancy - not sure.

Manzolwandhle said, ‘I am the chief son of Cetshwayo, for my mother, Mfumuta ka Qetuka, was an intombi of Cetshwayo’s;544 my mother belonged to oNdini (e ngo wa soNdini). Dinuzulu’s mother was an isizi; she was not his intombi. He simply took her by force (poqa) and made her pregnant, for our fathers and our grandfathers did not soma with an intombi; they lingisa’d with a woman.545 That is how Dinuzulu was born; his mother was isizi (whose father had been killed); she was taken (pangwa) and made an isigqila. She is of Zindhlendhleni. Dinuzulu built his umuzi, oSutu; he built his umuzi, emaHashini. If he had been the chief son of my father, he would have built at oNdini. He was afraid to build at oNdini because he

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knew it was mine. He knows that his mother became pregnant illegitimately (u ngo womlandwane). If he had been the chief son of my father, he would have built at my father’s great umuzi,23 oNdini. If the daughter of Seketwayo had had a son, I would not dispute with him.546 If the daughter of Masipula had had a son, the son of the daughter of Seketwayo would have become the chief son.547 If the daughter of Seketwayo had not given birth, the son of the daughter of Masipula ka Mamba would have become the chief son. Neither of them gave birth. I am therefore the chief son.’

Manzolwandhle took the matter to Mashiqela when Dinuzulu returned from overseas, after the wars of the Mandhlakazi were all over, those which had ended at kwa Ndunu.548 The matter was discussed at Eshowe. Mashiqela said, in the absence of Dinuzulu, ‘Wo! Look, Manzolwandhle, I shall not decide this matter. I shall send it on to the Government. I shall tell the Government the serious matter which you have told me, that Dinuzulu has held back from discussing the matter with Manzolwandhle, and has taken the umuzi; he has built there by force. He says that he is fighting with Zibebu; does he say that he fighting for you? In the papers of the white people they say it is Dinuzulu.24 It is no longer seen that he was born illegitimately. And the Zulu people over whom you are disputing, they are fighting with Zibebu; they are the impi of Dinuzulu. They do not say that they are the impi of Manzolwandhle.’ He said, ‘Go now; I shall send letters to the government. But do not hope that the Government will decide. Do not go far, for letters will come back quickly.’

Indeed, soon after he had gone, the letters came back; they came back on the day when it was said they would come. He was told the words of Mashiqela combined with those of the Government. Mashiqela spoke as I have said, He said, ‘Do not dispute with Dinuzulu. He took the umuzi by force. The Government says that it will build an umuzi for you, and give you land, separate from that of Dinuzulu. It is giving you a place at Hlazakazi, where Nkukwana ka Susa of the Magubane people used to live. There are men who will live with you, and look after you and support you.25 They are close to that place, but they have their own places, which border on yours.’ He gave him cattle; I do not know whether there were two hundred or one hundred. He appointed izinduna for him; they were Tayiza ka Mbonambi and Nkunya ka Gengeda, who was the induna of Empandhleni.549 He also looked for royal women (onina) from oNdini, the wives of Cetshwayo, and girls. Mashiqela also said, ‘Do not enter the dispute which I have refused to let you get into. For you must clear up with Dinuzulu the matter of the girls; they are his; he fought for them. I am giving you your “mothers”. Here are cattle. You must take wives!’

Dinuzulu grew up there at Ezindhlendhleni. (I think this kraal was close to Ondini, but am not sure). [Mkebeni says it was at Emahlabatini.]550 Something I do not know is which umuzi he was in at the time of the war with the English.551 And when he was growing up, I do not know if he was taken from Ezindhlendhleni to oNdini.

When Cetshwayo was captured at eNgome, he said, ‘Wo! Zulu people, here is my son Dinuzulu; when I die, I leave him as my son. I do not know about the sons of

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my father. The sons of my father will kill him.’ (He was talking of Dabulamanzi, Ndabuko, Siteku, and all the others, and Hamu.) He said, ‘Let my child go to Zibebu, who will look after him for me. Let him treat me well; let my child grow up there.26 I know that he will never kill him, for he is not hoping for my estate (ifa). The sons of my father might kill him, for they are hoping that they will inherit my estate.’

So when Cetshwayo crossed the sea (wela’d), Dinuzulu went to Zibebu. Zibebu built a hut (ilawu) for him. He ate with the people of Zibebu who were of his age-grade, of the Inyonemhlope (Zibebu’s regiment), of the age-grade of the Mbokodebomvu. (Zibebu’s next regiment to above is Inyonebomvu, of the age-grade of the Felapakati.) Zibebu apportioned cattle to provide him with milk. Dinuzulu stayed at this time at eBanganomo, where his hut (ilawu) was. Then Misjana appointed the eleven chiefs of the Zulu country (I leave out Hlube and Jantoni on purpose; they were on this side of the Mhlatuze).552 He said, ‘I am appointing you so that you will deliver up the cattle of Cetshwayo which have been hidden away. For you know where they are, at which amakanda they are.’ For they were distributed among the imizi. So they ate up the cattle from the people. It was especially Zibebu who was alert to where they were, for he was Cetshwayo’s brother.27 They duly delivered them. But the order of the Government was, ‘Eat up the cattle and bring them to me at Mgungundhlovu, all of you,’ meaning Jantoni and Hlube as well. Ndabuko became very angry. ‘Why, Zibebu, you who are of our house (endhlini kwetu), do you go about and turn out the cattle which were hidden away, and then give them to the white people?’ This was the beginning of war, of strife (ingxabango), between Mfanawendhlela ka Manzini ka Tshana, and Ntshingwayo ka Marole, and Hamu ka Mpande, and Seketwayo ka Nhlaka and Somkele ka Mayanda, and Siyunguza ka Silwane, and Mgitshwa ka Mvundhlana, and Myandeya ka Mbiya ka Tshangana, and Faku ka Ziningo (Zibebu) and Mtakati of the Mdhlalose people [is in doubt about Mtakati, but his district was very large].553

Murmurs were just beginning when Zibebu sent to his brother, Hayiyana ka Mapita, saying, ‘I am fetching the cattle of our place (za kwetu), of our father. For our father took a herd of young cattle (umqeku), chosen from all his imizi, and built the umuzi of your people (wa kwenu), eBatweni (Abatwa); there were a hundred heifers (izitole).’28 He said, ‘Do you not know that it is for the chief son (inkosana) when cattle are chosen from all the imizi? There were a hundred of them; they were young ones; they were all heifers.’

Zibebu quarrelled with Hayiyana in the time of Cetshwayo, before the war of the Zulu had been fought. Hayiyana said that he was Mapita’s chief son because Kokoko, Mapita’s chief son, had died; he was of the Imboza regiment. Hayiyana lost the dispute; it was said that the chief son was Zibebu. They were disputing all Mapita’s estate (ifa); they were disputing who was the chief son. Hayiyana lost the dispute and Zibebu was appointed, when the Zulu were still ruling. So all Mapita’s estate passed to Zibebu. After this came the quarrel with the white people, and the war with them.

Zibebu said, ‘I also want those other cattle; I want the herd of young ones. Are you the chief son of our father that you should eat up this herd?’ When Cetshwayo

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was overseas, Zibebu brought up this matter with Hayiyana again. Hayiyana hurried to go and report it to the sons of the king (abantwana),29 Ndabuko and the others. They took Hayiyana’s side. Hayiyana then left Zibebu and went over to the uSutu in their quarrel, when they were going to fetch Dinuzulu and bring him back to the uSutu, to Ndabuko. They were quarrelling because Zibebu was demanding his cattle from his brother, who then ran off to the children of the king. The children of the king took his side, even though he had lost the case when the Zulu were still ruling. They were being deceitful (xokisa).

I do not know whether, when Dinuzulu returned to oSutu, the sons of Zibebu had yet died. They were asked for by Mmango from Zibebu for the isibalo of going to the diamond fields (eNdayimana).554 He asked for men from all the abanumzana. When those men came back from the diamond fields, they came to the place of the people of Mahu ka Tokotoko; he had joined Hayiyana ka Mapita.555 They came and killed people. Then a conflict rose, with the uMandhlakai and the uSutu killing one another.

30Cetshwayo had not yet come back; he was still in England. When the people of Zibebu were killed (those who went out for isibalo at the diamond fields), I am not sure if Dinuzulu was at oSutu or at eBanganomo. I know that they killed those people; I do not know their names. They were killed when they returned from the diamond fields.

The war spread; it was fought at the stronghold of Sigidi (in the place of the Hlabisa and Mdhletshe peoples). Sigidi was a man of the Mandhlakazi who went into a stronghold in broken country when he saw that the men of the uSutu would kill him, those of the Mdhletshe people of Msutshwana ka Mfusi, and those of Mbopa ka Wolizibi. Indeed they went against Sigidi in his stronghold there. The amaNkentshane (an ibuto of Mapita) attacked them and drove them back; they killed Sonile (ka Mbopa), a great man of the region who was an induna. This is where the whole war started.31 When Cetshwayo went to England, Zibebu and Cetshwayo were united; they were as one person. The affair was caused by Ndabuko, who stirred up the isijingi.556 It was he who destroyed the country of the Zulu.

I know that when Zibebu fetched his cattle at Ebatweni (the umuzi of Hayiyana), Dinuzulu was at eBanganomo.

The sons of the Zulu king used to eat together. A great quantity of food was brought to them, and they would eat some of this and some of that. I think Cetshwayo was the first to eat, saying bring me some of this and some of that.

Monase was a girl of Tshaka’s (intombi ka Tshaka) - mother of Mbuyazi. Tshonkweni was said by Mpande to be fathered for Dingana, for his mother was a favourite (isiklebe) of Dingana’s, while the mother of Mbuyazi was an isiklebe of Tshaka’s, and the mother of Cetshwayo was an isiklebe of Mpande’s.557

Mpande said, ‘I shall wash with izitundu;558 I shall wash in the cattle enclosure.’ The izitundu were stirred up in the cattle enclosure, and the king washed. [Cf. bayede.]559 Mpande, after the Ndondakusuka battle, gave out to his Council that both Cetshwayo and Mbuyazi were children born to him whilst he was still a prince, and born whilst

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Dingana was king,32 but now that he was king, now that he washed with izitundu, and now that he washed in the cattle enclosure and was king, he would appoint his real heir, and that real heir would be Mtonga, son of Nomantshali, a girl of the Ntuli people, ‘uMadhlamb’ o lwandhle’.560

… <Praises of Mthonga omitted – eds.>

Mpande said, ‘As for Mtonga, before his mother became pregnant, an inyanga who was an iTonga was called. He came and treated her with medicines; she became pregnant, and bore a son. He was named Mtonga because she had been treated by an iTonga.’ Mpande also called Mtonga ‘Madhlamb’ olwandle’; it was not simply a playful name given by his mothers and other people; for she had become pregnant after being treated by the iTonga. Then Mpande said, ‘Ho! Ho! Ho!33 Whose child is named after an iTonga? For I fathered this child when I was washing, when I was washing in the enclosure, when I had become chief. And all these who are Amamboza, I fathered them when I was still an ordinary person (umuntu), before people said “Bayede!” to me. I fathered Madhlambi when people were saying “Bayede!” to me.’ He was speaking to his induna, Masipula. Masipula then went to tell Cetshwayo.

I have left out something else that Mpande said to Masipula. This was when Mtonga had been buta’d, when he was of the uMbonambi, which Mpande called ‘the red calf, for which no rope is made’.561 He said, ‘I am butaing the red calf for which no rope is made. The ibuto which follows this one will also be the red calf, and also the one after that, and also the one which follows in age after that.’ He ordered that an umuzi should be built, one of his amakanda, the umuzi of Nomantshali. It was named uMdumezulu. It was built there in the Emahlabatini country.

34Masipula went off to tell Cetshwayo all that Mpande had said. For in the fight at Ndondakusuka, Masipula had been on the side of Cetshwayo. Masipula said, when he was telling this to Cetshwayo, ‘Wo! What happened at Ndondakusuka will happen again. Why does the king say that he will buta that ibuto and join it (tela) to Emdumezulu, and buta another and join it to Emdumezulu, and so on? Nkosi, he is doing it so that he will have a big ibibi to oppress you with.562 Let this matter be put right.’

O! Indeed Cetshwayo sent out an impi to go and kill Mtonga. All the people of Mpande, all his imizi, all those of Mpande, informed (hlebela) him that Cetshwayo was going to kill Mtonga, as he had killed Mbuyazi. So Mpande made him run away; he escaped, and made off to the Boers near eHlobane. After that he came to eMgungundhlovu; he left the Boers, saying that he was following Mkungu because Mpande had told him to do so.563 He went to his mother, the daughter of Mntungwa, the mother of Mbuyazi, Monase.

35Cetshwayo’s impi arrived to find that Mtonga had escaped. It proceeded to kill his mother, Nomantshali. That was when Mpande nearly died of shock. For he was sitting with Nomantshali, as you and I are sitting now, with you as Mpande and me as Nomantshali. They killed her in front of Mpande. Cetshwayo was afraid to kill

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his father; he hoped that he would die of shock of his own accord from seeing his wife killed in front of him. Mpande cried, ‘Ha! Ha! Ha! What is this? We shall see when you are king, Cetshwayo. The stars will be bright in the daytime. The country will be overrun by the white people.’ This became a saying (isiga) among the Zulu people when the white people fought with Cetshwayo. They said, ‘Mpande said that the stars would be bright in the daytime. The country would be overrun by locusts and white people. “So, Cetshwayo, you kill my wife before my eyes? We shall see when you are king!”’

It was Mkebeni who said that Dabulamanzi was the umnawe of the king, and would never inherit Cetshwayo’s estate (ifa). [Socwatsha contradicts Mkebeni.]

Dabulamanzi was of the uDhloko regiment, Mbuyazi was of the Imboza, Tshonkweni was of the Imboza, Ziwedu was of the Imboza, Hamu was of the Imboza, Siteku was of the Imboza.56436 Of all these great men, did not Dabulamanzi have the mother of superior rank, so that he came after Cetshwayo, in front of all the others? One who says this, what does he say of the others? What does he say about their well known names (izibizo)? Were they of the ikohlo house, or where?565

For what did Somsewu say when he came to appoint (beka) Cetshwayo? He brought with him the clothes of a king (ukingi); he was coming to dress him in them. He halted at Emtonjaneni. Cetshwayo sent out Sirayo ka Xongo and Ntshingwayo ka Marole to meet him. For Somsewu had said that he should be met; he was going to oNdini, and would go with a man of Cetshwayo’s who would show him the road to oNdini. So Somsewu asked, ‘What are you?’ They replied, ‘We are izinduna.’ He then asked their names; they told him. Somsewu said, ‘Go and tell Cetshwayo that I shall on no account descend from here at Emtonjaneni with only you to meet me.37 I shall descend when Cetshwayo’s umnawe comes, the umnawe from among his brothers.566 I do not know who his umnawe is. It is he who will tell me.’

They returned to oNdini, and told him what Somsewu had said. Then Cetshwayo said, ‘Here is my umnawe, Zibebu; it will be he who will meet Somsewu. Go, Zibebu, and meet him.’ So Zibebu went off. He came to Emtonjaneni. He went with a number of men, including those who had previously gone, Sirayo and the others. Somsewu asked, ‘Who is the one who has come to meet me, the umnawe of Cetshwayo?’ The men said, ‘That is he,’ pointing to Zibebu. ‘What is his name?’ ‘O! It is Zibebu.’ ‘Is he a son of Mpande?’ ‘O! He is a son of Mapita; he is uyisekazi, the umnawe of Mpande.’567 So Somsewu went down, with his wagons, his izinduna, and his clerks (ababali). He came to oNdini, and proceeded to make those laws (e tat’ imteto le).

How could this man say that the umnawe of Cetshwayo was Dabulamanzi? He chose Dabulamanzi, his father’s son, because he was the umnawe.

38When Malimade was still at Nhlazatshe, the abaQulusi quarrelled with the abakwaNgenetsheni (of Hamu’s place).568 During the war with the white people, Hamu was the first to go over to the white people. He left his cattle behind. He took his people; the cattle were left behind and were eaten up by the uSutu. They burnt his imizi. They seized them because he had gone over to the white people. They

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made up a saying, which went, ‘Hamu has no dog; he eats, then licks the pot; he licks it himself’, for he had no dog to lick his pot. After Cetshwayo had been captured and taken away, and was overseas in England, Hamu returned to the sites of his imizi, for all his country had gone over to the Government (uRulumeni). It was ordered that the cattle which had been eaten up in the Zulu country should be returned, that the uSutu should return those of Hamu which they had eaten up when he made off. (He had crossed the uPongolo and taken a path which went past the Swazi country; he had made his way to those forces which had fought at eHlobane and at kwa Nkambule, those of Lukuni.)569 This was the cause of the grudge held by the abaQulusi, and of the grudge held by Hamu, for they had eaten up his cattle.

39Then Mtonga arrived; he went to Hamu, who had been in Lukuni’s impi for some time. The war was over; the impi had gone back. Mtonga had gone to Lukuni when the war was still being fought. The impi came back with him; he too went back to his home. He then turned back. This was when Malimade was ruling at Nhlazatshe. He went looking for his cattle among his brothers and among the people who had been of his place (kwabo). He also went to Zibebu, and presented him with a beast for slaughter.

Then Hamu called the impi of the Baqulusi. He called it to eMrologo, saying that they should leave their weapons behind, far away; they should not approach with their assegais. Meanwhile he had concealed his own impi; it was armed with assegais. The abaQulusi thought that a discussion was to be held. When they were all present, Hamu’s impi rose up and attacked them. Did it not stab them! It wiped them out. Because people are not all finished off in one day. Zibebu, too, killed off the uSutu at oNdini, but he did not finish them all off, even though it was said that he had done so, that he had finished them off - pu! [rubbing fingers across mouth and blowing slightly]. It was also said that Dinuzulu had finished off the Mandhlakazi at kwa Ndunu, but not all the people were killed off.

40That fight of Hamu’s at eMrologo took place at the same time as the one at the stronghold of Sigidi, before Cetshwayo had returned from over the sea. Malimade was ruling at that time, at Nhlazatshe. Malimade’s induna at that time was Sotondose ka Malusi, the chief of the Nxumalo people. The Baqulusi people came to Malimade and said, ‘We have been killed by you, Malimade; this was your fight, for your induna Sotondose was present.’ Then the uSutu who had been overcome at the stronghold of Sigidi came to Malimade to report the matter. They said, ‘This was your fight. Zibebu was driven on by you, for your induna Sotondose was present.’ Then Malimade wrote a letter to Somsewu at Mgungundhlovu, saying, ‘Somsewu, help me by looking for an induna among your men; choose a man who is clever (ohlakanpileyo). I arrived at Nhlazatshe, coming from Newcastle, together with my induna, Sotamelo.41 Sotamelo died there in the Zulu country. I met Sotondose, who had come to lay complaints with me about matters in the Zulu country. I took him and said that he should be my induna, for I saw that he was one of the original chiefs (inkosi yo hlanga), with his own district (isifunda) at Mankamane. I said, “Wo! You know the laws of the Government. You will act for me (bambela) as

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Sotondose did.” I was shocked when people of the Baqulusi came, bearing wounds, to say that they had been destroyed by the impi of Hamu. They said that Hamu had been set on by me, because my induna, Sotondose, was present. People from the uSutu came and said the same. I see that they speak the truth, for indeed my induna Sotondose was present at those fights. For Hamu is the son of a sister of Sotondose. Nozibuku, the mother of Hamu, is a sister of Sotondose’s. He is also involved with the Mandhlakazi; he is in Zibebu’s fights, for Zibebu’s mother, Kundhlase, is a sister of Sotondose’s. I see they speak the truth. For indeed Sotondose is my induna, and when the impi was being sent out to fight, he was present, he, the induna of the inkosi. So people said, “His inkosi knows about this.” But in fact I did not know. He is putting me in a difficult position (hlambelela).42 For those people will say that it was I who sent out the impi, for my induna was present, and both Zibebu and Hamu are sons of his sisters. Please find me a man who is clever, one who will manage my affairs well. I shall pay him with land (ngi yo kokela ngezwe), and let him be paid by the government every month, so that he does not put me in a difficult position (xabelela) as Sotondose did. I do not know your people, son of Sonzica; you, who know them, will choose for me.’

Somsewu chose Yamela ka Pangandawo. Malimade was still living at Nhlazatshe. Cetshwayo had not yet returned; he was still overseas.

Then Cetshwayo returned. Godhloza followed Yamela, having been advised to do so by Ncapayi ka Makobosi of the Ndhlovu people, the induna at Emdhloti (Verulam).570 [Ncapayi was induna of Dr Blaine, a very able induna, used to be summoned by Somsewu to Pietermaritzburg to advise in big cases.] Ncapayi said, ‘Godhloza, because your umuzi is dying out, I say to you that you should follow Yamela and go and be a policeman (ipoyisa). I hear that Yamela is going to be paid with land;43 you too should go and live there. Do you see that your umuzi will die out if you stay there at oZwatini?’ So Godhloza said to the people in charge of passes at eNhlazatshe that they should go to their relatives who lived at our place in the Nyuswa country. ‘Tell the boy of our place, Socwatsha, to bring me snuff.’ When I arrived at Nhlazatshe with the snuff, people said that Cetshwayo was coming from the amaLala country (emaLaleni).571 He had come back; he had returned from England. When I arrived, Malimade, Yamela, Godhloza and all the police were absent; they had gone to meet Cetshwayo in the amaLala country, at the emLalazi [origin of name, probably],572 in the country between the Mlalazi and Mhlatuze, where there is a landing-place (izibuko). (The ilala is a plant, from which they make ubusula, and weave beer-strainers and amaqoma baskets and izimbenge baskets and izicumo baskets.)573 I heard the news from Yamela’s induna at his home there at the court-house (inkantolo), the one who watched over Yamela’s wives, the ones who had married him there in the Zulu country - that induna was Nkomo ka Godoyi. He said, ‘They have arrived. They are at Emtonjaneni; all the Zulu people have been summoned.44 Cetshwayo has arrived; he is with Somsewu, who has brought him.’ Indeed I saw the tents, shining white. The soldiers who were with Shepstone had camped there. I went on, making for the place.

The matters which Somsewu spoke about were these. ‘Hold out your hands, Mnyamana; here is your king, Cetshwayo.574 I place him in your hands.’ How great

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was the number of Zulu people who had assembled! They covered an area as big as the forests at Nkandhla. At Emtonjaneni there is a plain. It was like this. He came and set up a tall flagpole. After this, the soldiers formed up and stood to attention. Below the flagpole, chairs were placed. The amakosi of the camp (ikamo) sat down; then Somsewu and Cetshwayo sat down. They faced down towards where the soldiers were standing. Cetshwayo was sitting with the men with whom he had crossed the sea, Ngobozana ka Vukuza ka Ndhlovu of the Mpungose people, and Mkosana ka Zangqwana of the Zungu people (the father of Mapelu), and Ngcongcwana ka Maqoboza ka Nobongoza (this is not the Maqoboza who was father of Nozitshada, of Nzuza, but one of Zulu tribe).45 In front of Somsewu the Zulu people formed a semi-circle. Present were Mnyamana, Msutshwana, Hayiyana, Sitshaluza ka Mamba, Hemulana ka Mbangezeli, Ziwedu, Tshingana, Qetuka ka Manqondo, Godide ka Ndhlela, Sirayo ka Xongo, Diyikana ka Hlakanyana (who was carried in a skin because he could no longer walk as he was very fat, like Mpande), and very many others. All the Zulu were assembled there, but Hamu was not there, and Zibebu was not there, and Somkele was not there (he simply stayed at home). Zibebu, for his part, came to greet the amakosi Somsewu and Malimade. He was riding a horse, and had about ten people with him. He was not present when the laws were being proclaimed; he had left. As he was leaving, as he was coming from Somsewu, he passed close to Cetshwayo but did not go to him. The wives of Cetshwayo said, ‘Weu! There goes the cunt (unhlunu) of his mother Kundhlase. He will not die and be buried; the rocks will disappear and he will still be here.’ They were cursing (qanganisa) him; they were reviling him with obscene language. [The meaning is he will go on and on living until after stones and mountains crumble away and disappear. This reminds me of the Wandering Jew, and the saying ‘Tarry, till I come!’46 (see John, xxi, 20-23).] This was not the first time I had heard this obscenity. I heard it when a man was quarrelling with another man and they were swearing at each other, close to fighting. It is an obscenity used by women; not many men use it.

Malimade is nearly killed by the wives of Cetshwayo.575

When Cetshwayo died, a few days after his death, before he had been buried, his wives approached in a semi-circle; there were many of them, more than ten. They approached Malimade’s house at eShowe. They said to Nozitshina ka Jojo of the emaPiseni people, kwa Nxusa, the induna of Malimade, ‘Where is Malebemade?576 Let him give us our husband, whom he took from the Nkandhla in order to kill him.’ We saw them some distance off, coming from the umuzi of Ntshingwayo ka Sikonyana, at kwa Jazi, where Cetshwayo had died [8 February 1884], where he had been staying. We told the inkosi, ‘Here are the king’s wives; they are coming here to the house, to you. But we don’t know what they are coming for, what brings them.’ That is what we told him. ‘He said, ‘Socwatsha! Tell Mhlantshana to saddle my horse!’ I told him and he saddled it. They went towards the front door of the house. They said, ‘Give us our husband!’ They blocked the doorway, thinking that he was there. They had seen him entering the house when they were some distance off. Malimade said to me, ‘They saw me come in this door (the front one). I shall go out by the back door. Let Mhlantshana take the horse there.’ The wives were blocking

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the door where they had seen him go in. The daughter of Mteni (of the - people <sic>) came up and seized Nozitshina by the arm and pulled him towards the door where the inkosi had gone in. They were surprised to see the inkosi cantering away, heading for the military camp.47 They said, ‘Hawu! He has left us!’ Then one of the men of the place came up, Mfunzi ka Dumuzele of the Xulu people. He said, ‘Au! Where is the inkosi?’ ‘There he is, about to disappear at kwa Matshayinyoni.’ They took Nozitshina and lifted him up. He was light. He said, when he was relating the matter to me, ‘I went soft, I was light to carry, I was like a leaf (which is blown about by the wind).’ When they took him into Malimade’s house, when they saw Malimade on his horse, they put him down. Mfunzi arrived with others. They intervened. So the wives let Nozitshina go. Nozitshina asked what they wanted at the place of the inkosi. Mfunzi replied, ‘What shall I say, when the child of Msekisipana (they did not say Misospana) is no more?’577 Mfunzi then drove them off, back to kwa Jazi. Nozitshina put questions to the people who had come with Mfunzi. They replied, ‘They were coming to ask the inkosi, Malimade, “Where have you put the king? Give him to us.”’ Then they returned. It was clear what the women of Ntshingwayo’s place, kwa Jazi, had meant when they went off saying, ‘He will never eat amabele; we will catch him and break him.’ Hau! So that is how it was! Those who had come with Mfunzi also said so, but they did not speak plainly like those from Ntshingwayo’s place. For those of Ntshingwayo’s place spoke both words, those of going, while they were going, and those of returning, when they were returning.

I do not know if the wives came armed or not; they were known as people who wore cloaks; they had shawls. For our part, we did not think that they were going to kill Nozitshina; we thought that they were looking for Malebemade (Malimade).

Sijilingwana ka Ngolo of the Radebe people of the place of Mtimkulu (may have been Impohlo regiment). He died at the place of the Magwaza, his people; they were going to Empapala; they had no food.

48… <Praises of Sijilingwana omitted – eds.>

Has longer praises, for he was a great warrior. He was an inceku of Songiya, the mother of Mpande. At his home he was an induna of Manqondo ka Mazwana, in the umuzi of the people of MaMepo (the mother of Ndube).578

When people praised him, they called him ‘the little Nkayitshana’. He would say, ‘Which is the big one? I am not the little one, for I fought fiercely and surpassed the little Nkayitshana.’ So he was praised as the big Nkayitshana. But he was a small man, reddish (bomvana) in colour. He died in the Magwaza country. When Songiya died he made his escape to the white man’s country (esilungwini); he was afraid that he would be made into a ‘mat’ for the inkosikazi. When she died, Sijilingwana was absent, he was at his home; he had left her indisposed (e dunguzela). At his home, he saw a messenger arriving to summon him. ‘You are summoned, Sijilingwana; the indhlovukazi is ill.’ He said, ‘Go, then. I shall come tomorrow.’49 He then told his wives, ‘Prepare bread (izinkwa) and snuff for a

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journey.’ This was done before people at his home, at Emfanayo, had gone to sleep. When the izinhlangoti had been told to sleep,579 he said to his wives, ‘Tie up your goods.’ At dawn he went up the mountain to Ntunjambili, for he was not driving stock; he had left his cattle in the enclosure. He then went to konza Dubuyana, among us Nyuswa people.

[See next book - like this.]580

4.10.1921

File 58, nbk. 21, pp. 1-20.

1Socwatsha continues.

When the locusts were on, though it was really after rinderpest, many years ago, about 1896, I went with others selling goats along the Zululand coast. I came to one of Ntshingwayo ka Sikonyana’s kraals, not far from Lamb’s store, Mapuzingwebu [noted, List of Names],581 and the Matigulu, where there was a wedding. Sukani ka Mpande was there, he belonging to umtimba party (girl’s). The girl’s elder brother got up to bonga Sotobe ka Mpangalala.582 All he said was this, ‘The girl from the place of Sotobe ka Mpangalala makes salutation,’ and then stopped. Sukani rose up and said, ‘Who does not know the praises of Sotobe? Who does not know the praises of Sotobe? There is no one who forgets the praises of Sotobe.’ The umnewabo of the man who had been praising then giya’d,583 the man who had called out one praise, then had come to an end. To those of our people with whom I was travelling, hau! he declaimed a single set of praises (uhlamvu), as follows:

The daughter of Bunge of the Ntwayiza makes salutation,

He stirs up with an ox-tail the waters of Mkumbi and of the sea,

Of Dada who is in the water (amanzi),

Manzi who comes out of by means of the holes of the Mtshezi.584

2The girls of our place in the Ngcobo country, like those of Nombiko, said that they would not marry without the Impehlwa being present (an ibuto of the Nyuswa, those of Deliweyo). For it would come and show our chiefs that we were a large house. ‘For your part, when you bonga, you will give praise to our fathers with their praises for giyaing. When the men of the Mpehlwa give praise to our fathers, let them give praise to our ancestral chiefs (amakos’ akit’ ohlanga), Matshisa, Mavela, Bovungana, Mafongosi, Sipandhla and Mbozane’.

The bringing back of Cetshwayo after his journey to England [continued from pp. 43-46 preceding nbk. just like this].585

Somsewu said, ‘Hold out your hands, Mnyamana! I have now brought Cetshwayo back. You too did not know that there is a king who, after he has been overcome by another, is brought back to his place unharmed.’ He said, ‘Listen, then, to the words of the Queen which I shall now speak. The Queen has spoken into

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the ears of this my son.’ He said, ‘I was not present, but I have been sent here; I have been told in a letter from the Queen.3 I speak the words so that if I depart from them the king will be able to say that he hears it for the first time; he will disagree with me, saying that he hears it for the first time. He will remind me of words that I might have forgotten, in front of these men, both those from the Zulu country and the white men from our country, those sitting here.’ He was carrying a small piece of paper, this size [as big as one’s hand]. He was wearing his umjiva, a jacket, without tails. He then pulled out an irereba of a paper, a long one [as long as arm], and unfolded it.586 He said, ‘The Queen said, “I am returning you, Cetshwayo, to your place, to the old sites of your imizi.”’ He was told that he should no longer call up amabuto; that he should let his people go and work for money among the white people, and that they should be able to buy cattle and marry; even a young person who had just reached the age of puberty should be allowed to marry; there should be an end to calling up amabuto until men grew old on the izinsipo (like beer which has not been strained, even though it has boiled).587 He should no longer form an isigodhlo (of girls), but should build imizi only for his wives. The Queen had divided up his country at the Mhlatuze; the country on the other side of the Mhlatuze would belong to the Government.4 The people who were living on the other side of the Mhlatuze [he was speaking when on far side of Mhlatuze] would pay a tax of fourteen shillings on each hut. Those who wanted to be under the king should cross over to the country on this side of the Mhlatuze. They should cross over in the winter, after they had reaped their crops, for this was the month of Christmas.588 He said, ‘A man who wants to be under you, and who lives on the other side of the Mhlatuze, should reap his crops and then cross over with all his goods, even his usungulo.’589 He said, ‘On this side of the Mhlatuze, in your country, no taxes will be paid.’ He said, ‘You must not bring a case against those men who took your izigodhlo while you were a captive over the sea in England. In this country, the one on this side of the Mhlatuze, where no taxes will be paid, you will have the power to hear cases, you and your izinduna and your brothers. You will have the power to put people to death, or fine them as you wish, or eat up their cattle. Here is Gwalagwala, whom the Queen gives to you; you will live with him.590 If a person who comes from the white man’s country,5 the Government’s country where taxes are paid, brings a case against a person who lives in your country, Gwalagwala will assist you. Both of you, together with your izinduna, will hear such cases. If a man who lives in your country, the one where no taxes are paid, wants to go and live in the country of the Government, the one where taxes are paid, you will let him cross even with his izinsungulo; you will not tear off his izinjobo as you do according to the laws of your people,591 under which a man who wanted to cross the Tukela to go to the white man’s country would have his cattle eaten up. All that is finished now; you will no longer kill a man for it. Here is Gwalagwala; he will be watching over you.’ [See H.F.Fynn’s account of the restoration of Cetshwayo in notebook re Life of Sir T. Shepstone, pp. 23-29: under date 16.11.1913.]592 He said, ‘In your country, all the country on this side of the Mhlatuze, of the eleven chiefs appointed by Misjana on behalf of the Government (I am not counting Jantoni and Hlube), ten are now wiped away. Only Zibebu will remain. The country of his father Mapita has been

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divided off for him. You will know what the boundary of Mapita’s country was in the time of Zulu rule.6 You will recognize that old boundary. All the men who were raised up by the Government have now returned to you. Like you, Zibebu will not pay taxes in his country.’

I think that is where Somsewu’s words came to an end; perhaps there was a little more.

Somsewu said, ‘I have finished. Remind me of anything I have left out, my child, so that I do not lie about it. For you were told by words in your ear; for my part, I was told by letter.’ Then ‘the little branch which put out the fire, the fire which was lit by Mantshonga and Ngqelebana’ came forward and said, ‘Yebo, Zulu! My father has spoken the truth.593 For my part, when I was in captivity I stayed with men, in Cape Town (eKipitawini). I was not tied up; I lived well by myself. I stayed for a long time, and then men told me that I had been summoned by the Queen to England.7 I went off, and came to her. I had never seen her before; it was for the first time. The inkosikazi greeted me. Then she spoke two words to me. She said, “See now, Cetshwayo, I am returning you to your country. But I have cut off part of the country, a small piece where Jantoni lives.” She did not tell me which river; she did not tell me which ridge. Her second word was, “Weu! See now, do not bring a case against a man who has taken the isigodhlo. Go now to those men with whom you were staying, and you will hear my words from those men.” For my part, I replied with simply one word there in the palace (esigodhlweni). I said, “Nkosi, how could I bring a case against those who have taken the isigodhlo? Has a man who was dead ever risen again? For it was said that I was dead. How could I bring a case against them if I were dead?” Wo! We took our departure from the Queen, and we left. I came to Cape Town, where I had been staying.8 The men with whom I had been staying arrived and told me all the words which my father Somsewu has been speaking. They spoke about the Mhlatuze, for the Queen had said Jantoni would be on the other side. They spoke clearly about the Mhlatuze. There is nothing that I disagree with in the words spoken by Somsewu. And there is nothing that he has forgotten.’

Then Mnyamana ka Ngqengelele ka Mvuyana came forward, the first to do so. He said, ‘Yebo Nkosi, son of Sonzica! We give thanks, Nkosi. Nkosi, we cry about one matter. He has returned, but he has nothing to eat. We give thanks, for we have never seen a man who was truly dead rise up again.’

Then Ziwedu ka Mpande came forward. He said, ‘Yebo Nkosi! We say that you have brought him back, but what will he eat? Will he eat excrement? For his cattle were eaten up by Jantoni, and by Hlube, and by Zibebu, and by Hamu.’9 Then Hemulana ka Mbangezeli came forward.594 He said, ‘Yebo Nkosi! For our part, we do not give praise; we give praise that you have brought back only bones. What will he eat? Will he eat excrement?’ He named those men, Jantoni, Hamu and Zibebu. He said, ‘Is the country not a grazing-ground where he sisa’d his cattle?595 Did he not eat at the grazing-ground at eTaleni? For that is where he sisa’d. This chief of yours whom you have appointed, Zibebu, we say that you are making him king. What had Cetshwayo done, that you took him away? It was you who attacked him in his home. You took him away. Did he ever attack Mgungundhlovu?’

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There were two writers (ababali) there. As Somsewu was speaking, they wrote down his words. As Cetshwayo too was speaking, they wrote down his words, and also those of all the others who spoke. When one person was speaking they were both writing; they did this to corroborate each other (fakazelana). I saw there how clever (hlakanpile) the Government was.

10Hemulana finished, and then Dabulamanzi ka Mpande came forward. He said, ‘Yebo Nkosi. We are crying, we sons of Mpande. We say, you have brought Cetshwayo, but what will he eat? Do you think he will eat excrement? For you have now taken the whole country from which he used to eat. You have also eaten up his cattle, and those that were left were eaten up by Jantoni and Hlube and Zibebu and Hamu. What is he going to eat? Should a man as great as Cetshwayo be told that he must cut branches for himself with which to fence his umuzi? His young men have been taken away; they have been told to go and work for the white people, and he has been told not to form amabuto which could build his umuzi. The branches for his umuzi used to be cut by the amabuto, and his huts were built for him by the amabuto. The cultivating was also done by the amabuto, and the weeding; the amabuto did the weeding for him. Nkosi, what will he eat? Nkosi, we are crying to you.’

I don’t know if Dabulamanzi had more to say, but I saw Somsewu’s face going red with anger.11 He said, ‘Here, son of Mpande. This is the house of Sonzica; what has it done to you? For you say you are being killed by the house of Sonzica. The soldiers who came and destroyed the country of the Zulu, are they of the house of Sonzica? And all the cattle which were eaten up in the country of the Zulu, did they go to the place of Sonzica? Did they not go to the Great Place? Son of Mpande, this is not the first time that you have spoken. Always you speak your words with contempt (ngo ku delela). O, for my part I shall remain behind and you will speak to the Queen for yourselves. There is no beast from the Zulu country that was ever eaten up by the house of Sonzica.’

Then Mnyamana came forward and said, ‘Yebo, Nkosi! The noises made by the bellowing of cattle are not the same. Each makes its own noise; it is not the same as the noises made by others. For my part, I give thanks that you have brought the bones to the place of other bones.’ Then Sitshaluza ka Mamba of the Emgazini people came forward. He said, ‘Yebo, Nkosi. The son of Ngqengqelele speaks the truth when he says that the bellowing of beasts is not the same. For my part, I think it good that the words which you do not like should be spoken to your face and not behind your back.12 You now hear them; you hear them being spoken. You will pick out the bad words; you will pick out the good words. For my part, I give thanks that you have brought the bones to the place of other bones. It would have been bad if you had killed Cetshwayo over the sea in England and if his grave had not been made at the place of his fathers here in the country of the Zulu. Nkosi, bellow. You have spoken well with a good heart, such as you came with.’

Then Siteku ka Mpande came forward. He said, ‘For my part, I, Siteku, give praise that after taking away the son of my father you have brought him back. I say that today you are restoring the uhlanga, for you fought against the king and overcame him and captured him, and then brought him back, after people had killed one another and the corpses lay piled up. I ask these men of our place, those

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who are complaining about the land and about the cattle, when Cetshwayo went to England, was he making a visit to go and konza? For my part, chiefs, I give praise. If I had my way, the people of our place would simply be giving thanks; they would say no more. They would then cut branches for temporary shelters for him. After he had rested in the shelters,13 he would take his stick (uboko) and go and konza at Mgungundhlovu. He would urge the Government to take him to the Queen; it would be there that he would make his complaints known.’ He ended there.

(Do you think Malimade forgot about him? At Eshowe he said that the Zulu people were very foolish because they should have spoken among themselves before they came to us, and should have chosen Siteku to speak for them. They should then have said, ‘We all speak this, Nkosi; it is our word.’ That they all spoke meant that they muddied the waters upstream.)

Then Somsewu came forward and said, ‘Yes, Siteku, about those words which asked if he should cut branches for himself. No! We do not refuse that the young men should fence his umuzi. They have gone to earn money for themselves among the white people. They would continually have caused disagreement. They would have been held back, and formed into amabuto. His umuzi does not need to be built all the time.’

Then Mhlumbana (the induna of Myandeya ka Mbiya) came forward and said, ‘Yebo, Nkosi. I have been sent by Myandeya.596 He says, “We fought for the king, and you overcame him.14 You took him away, across the sea. Then the madman (uhlanya), Sitimela, arrived here. He came and ate up the cattle of Myandeya, saying that he was the heir of Dingiswayo. I reported the matter to the sons of the king, to Ndabuko. They disregarded (talalisa) it. Again I reported the matter to the sons of the king. They disregarded it. Then I reported it to Mayidoni (Jantoni). Mayidoni called up his impi and came and chased away the uhlanya, Sitimela. He escaped. The impi which had supported him was destroyed.” Myandeya says that he will no longer get out of the way of the wagon-wheel. He no longer knows how the Zulu people regard him. They left him with the uhlanya. For his part, he has had enough of the Government.’ He was referring to the country which was said to be Cetshwayo’s.

Then Siyunguza ka Silwane came forward. 597 He said, ‘Hau! You, of the Zulu people, are you afraid of us because we are present? You have mentioned Jantoni and Zibebu and Hamu and Hlube (because they are not here; Jantoni too is not here). You have assembled here on account of us. When the Nkosi arrived here, you told him that we were no longer his people,15 for the Government ordered us to give up the cattle to it. You count us as having eaten up the cattle of the king, as you count Jantoni and Zibebu and all the others. But now that you see us here, you no longer name us. Wo! For our part, we will no longer need the Government, for it was you who gave the Government to us. You counted us as being on your side.’

The son of Silwane (ka Ndhlovu ka Kuba) ended there. Then Msutshwana, an Imboza, came forward.598 He said, ‘This beast (ingwe), Zibebu, that you have appointed; you come because we said that he would send out an impi to destroy us. He attacked the people of Ngulubana’ (a man of the uSutu, or one of the people of Msutshwana’s place).

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That is all I have to say. (There may be more, a little more, not recollected at the moment.) What I remember is that when Somsewu was recounting the words of the Queen, he said, ‘You see, it is a long time since I came here to the Zulu country, bringing the laws of the Government. Today I come here for the last time. You will not see me again, for I am tired from doing the work of the Government. For an ox can work and work and work at pulling a wagon, and when the owner sees that it is old he takes the yoke off its neck, and leaves it to rest and to graze.16 It will not be inspanned again. In that country on the other side of the Mhlatuze, Malimada has been placed. He will have his office at Etshowe. He was in charge there at eNhlazatshe, looking after your people for you. Now you have come. He will now go and look after the people of the Government on the other side of the Mhlatuze at eTshowe.’ Then he said, ‘Now I am going. Stay well. I am going tomorrow with the young men.’599

So they went off with Cetshwayo; he went down-country. For our part, we took the road to eTshowe, together with Malimade, who was going to eMgungundhlovu. There at eTshowe Misjana had halted and put up tents. It was he who had arrived first, while Cetshwayo was still on the sea. He began with the lower country (ezansi); he beka’d at Entumeni,600 then at Empapala, then at eQudeni, then as far as Nqutu, then he returned to eTshowe to set up an office (inkantolo), there where Malimade’s house used to be. He assembled the izikulu of the whole Zulu country; he began in the lower country, in the flat country; he summoned the abanumzana who were in charge of districts (izifunda).17 When they had arrived, he said, ‘Au! Men, I have summoned you to tell you that Cetshwayo has now returned. The country has been divided at the Mhlatuze. The country on this side of the Mhlatuze is that of the Government; it will pay a tax of fourteen shillings on each hut. I am saying to you, men, that you must choose (qoma). Let those who choose Cetshwayo come forward, and let those who choose the Government come forward. When it is winter, those who have chosen Cetshwayo will reap their crops and cross over the river, leaving those who do not want to go. Even if you all choose Cetshwayo, the Government does not mind, for its country will remain. It will assuredly not remain empty, for there are many of the Government’s people who are in difficulties, who do not have a place to live.’ He went as far as Nqutu, speaking this word. They too spoke it, everywhere; as he went, he summoned them to his tents. Those who wanted the Government came forward, and those who chose Cetshwayo came forward.

Those who chose Cetshwayo were Nongena ka Nongogo of the Nzuza people, and Majiya ka Shandu. At the Empapala there was Melelesi ka Manyosi ka Dhlekezela of the Emambateni.18 There was Nobiya ka Sotobe ka Mpangalala;601 there was Madwaba ka Ndhlaludaka of the Emgazini; there was Qetuka ka Manqondo of the Magwaza; there was Sigananda ka Zokufa of the Emacubeni; there was Godide ka Ndhlela of the Ntuli; there was Mtiyaqwa ka Didi of the Biyela;there was Keke ka Manqe of the Zulu; there was Fokoti ka Sokufoca of the Xulu; at eTaleni there was Ndwandwe ka Mdhlaka of the aba kwa Langa (not of the Emgazini, of the Ntshangase); there was Sirayo ka Xongo,602 and Dabulamanzi ka Mpande.

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Now I will name those who chose the Government. There was Mgitshwa ka Mvundhlana of the Biyela; there was Siyunguza ka Silwane of the Mpungose; there was Mhlakaza ka Mpezeni of the Biyela; there was Luridane ka Jokwe of the Makoba; there was Matunjana ka Sibaxa of the Emankwanyaneni; there was Nkanyana ka Mankaiyana of the ebaTenjini; there was Mmiso ka Mkitika of the Zulu; there was Mtinzima ka Nzangwana of the Emambateni; there was Mavumengwana ka Ndhlela of the Ntuli; there was Ndhlongolwana ka Sobaba of the Biyela; there was Langazana (inkosikazi) at eNhlwayini; there was Zembe ka Myakayaka of the Maraya;19 there was Nonzama ka Situnge of the Biyela. Amambuka were Mbuzo ka Mngeni of the Ntuli, Matshana ka Mondise ka Jobe of the Sitole, of the ebaTenjini.603 Matshana ka Sitshakuza was an uncokubili, like a hyena, which has a vagina and also a penis - that is what an uncokubili is (impisintshange).604

There were many abanumzana who lived in the flat country (etafeni), but all of them were ruled by Jantoni; all of them were of the Government.

Yamela first encamped at kwa Jazi, the umuzi of Ntshingwayo, when we arrived from eNhlazatshe.

Some days after our arrival, Misjana returned to Emgungundhlovu. Malimada had just arrived.

When we came down from eMtonjaneni and went to eTshowe, we policemen (amapoyisa) of Malimada, we said, ‘Hau! The Government is destroying Zibebu, the son of Mapita.’ We were talking about the size of the izifunda. We said, ‘Hau! They will take only one day.’

After Malimata <sic> had arrived from Emgungundhlovu, men came from Zibebu;20 it was Sombayimbondwe and others. They said, ‘Au! An impi of uSutu has attacked us at Msebe. It was the Buthelezi of the place of Mnyamana, with fifty amaviyo; it was the ukuBaza, the uSutu, who came with Ndabuko; they had fifty amaviyo; it was the uMgazi of Maboko ka Masipula; with forty amaviyo. There were 140 amaviyo. Zibebu had only forty; they had a hundred more. Then followed the fight at Msebe.605

[Zibebu badly defeated uSutu at Msebe and then chased them for 3 days, utterly routing them.]

5.10.1921

File 58, nbk. 21, pp. 20-21.

Socwatsha.

… <Praises of Monase ka Mntungwa of the Nxumalo people omitted – eds.>

Ukutwebula.606

Manhlwenga have umuti called umtwebulo. I do not know how they twebula; only their doctors know. Some of them take all a man’s blood; it disappears; there is none left. At another time, when a man has gone off, treading on the ground, they take a horn for cupping, and place it where he stepped.21 Then they suck very hard,

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sucking in air. They begin with the place where he stepped. They suck and suck until the man’s blood comes out; it comes out from the earth, there where he trod. The horn fills up, it fills up with blood. This blood simply comes out of the earth; it comes from the man who trod there, while he is at home.

… <Praises of unhloyile, ungqwatshi and inkanku birds omitted – eds.>607

26.3.1922, Sunday.

File 59, nbk. 38. pp. 34-9.

Also present: Somgandu, Nsuze

34Socwatsha, Somgandu, Nsuze.608

The putting on of the headring. Per Socwatsha.

In the time of Zulu rule, an ibuto was ordered to put on the headring. They scattered to go and look for resin (ungiyane).609 Some went off to gather it for themselves in the bush and in the ravines of rivers where imzungulu grow. Others bought it from those who had gathered it. Each man would take off the husks; he would strip them off, to remove those creatures which had red blood. He picked out the edible creatures and threw away the insects (izilokazana). He then moulded lumps the size of a fist. The ungiyane is white. Some would be heated up by a specialist (inyanga) who was skilled in sewing on headrings; some he would heat up himself. When it was ready he would go and call an inyanga.

The heating was done in a potsherd (a piece of a broken ikamba). It was done in the cattle enclosure, well inside. He did not do it next to the fence, close to the huts, for fear that the flame would set the huts on fire.35 No water was put in, only the ungiyane, which then melted. Any insects left in it would drop off. He would keep the fire going until it boiled. He would be astonished to see it turn black, where before it had been white. The inyanga would see this and say, ‘Au! Now it has burnt. Now it is done.’ He would then pour cold water on it with an indebe (a ladle). He would stretch out his arm; he would not go close; he would stand on the side from which the wind was coming. He would pour on the water, and as it touched the ungiyane, bu! it flamed up, as if long grass was burning. The flames were higher than a very tall man, as high as a man with his arms stretched upwards. He then took the potsherd off the fire. The ungiyane was now soft; he carried it carefully. He took the potsherd and poured the ungiyane onto a stone, like the honey of bees. He then used a scraper to scrape off the ungiyane which was still sticking to the potsherd;36 he scraped it onto the stone. He moulded it together, continually pouring cold water over it so that it would cool and become stiff.

Now that the ungiyane was prepared he began to shave the man who was putting on the headring. He left a circle of hair, then began to place the framework (uqondo, ingqwangi) in position.610 He placed it on the crown, then shaved the hair inside and outside, leaving a circle of hair. He did the shaving with an insingo.611 He then took the framework and uzi fibre which had been twisted together.612 He then took a thorn for sewing. The horn of a beast was sharpened and trimmed. He

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heated a small needle (usungulo), and pierced a hole with it. The hole was for the thread. He then sewed into the hair and into the framework, drawing the thread through, so that the framework would not fall off. The thread was a long one so that he could sew all the way round the head back to where he had begun. If it was not long enough he would join it to another, so that it reached round to where he had begun.37 It was still only the framework that was in place. He then took the ungiyane which he had poured on to the stone and rolled it out, not as if he were grinding grain, but rolling it out into a long ‘stick’. He saw that nhu! it was long enough. He took it at both ends and heated it in the fire to soften it so that it would stick to the framework. He then placed it carefully on the head so that it fitted round, so that the two ends met firmly. He continually pressed it with his thumbs, making it stick to the frame. The ungiyane stuck to the frame because it was soft. After this he took a stick, a sharpened one that an inyanga uses to put on headrings; he sharpened it. He made it like a stirring-stick (ipini), though smaller. He said, ‘Come closer,’ and began to put the finishing touches to the ungiyane. It was now pitch black in colour. He worked it nicely, so that the frame was visible and not all covered over.38 He made it fit nicely all the way round. It then dried and became hard and tight. He then took a little grindstone, one the size of the fruit of the iviyo (itulwa) or of the ikiwane,613 and rubbed it until it was smooth. The lumps and indentations were smoothed out. After he had finished, the man himself would continually polish it. He would take water, pour it into a pot, and then look at himself in the water, for that was what our people used as a mirror.

If ungiyane was available, the putting on of the headring could be done in a day. Several men would have theirs done. One inyanga could finish five in a day if he rose early and began as the sun was getting warm.

When a man went to the inyanga for the first time, he would give a goat. When he went to him again, he would give an assegai, or an imbenge basket, or a calabash (isigubu) for water, or he would cut snuff for him. One of these was enough.

39In former times (ku qala), when a man went to the inyanga for the first time, he would give an assegai with a wooden handle (for it would be fixed into a stick), or else an imbenge, and that would be enough. Today they ask for much more.

Two months after putting on the headring, he will have his hair dressed (cwala); it will be dressed by another man. They will dress each other’s hair. This dressing takes the form of combing the hair downwards over the frame; it is done with a stick notched with a knife.

If no other man is there, and he is going to a wedding celebration (umsindo), he will ask his wife to dress his hair. She will tuck in the tufts of hair which have emerged; she will not dress it as another man would dress it.

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Notes

1 In the original, Stuart has overwritten several of his first estimates with later ones.

2 The reference to p. 141 is to testimony given by Johannes Kumalo on 10.9.1900 and recorded by Stuart on p. 141 of File 74 of the Stuart Collection. See our rendering of Kumalo’s testimony in Stuart Archive, vol. 1, pp. 213-14. The reference to p. 142 is to a composite list of Zulu regiments drawn up by Stuart from various sources and recorded on p. 142 of File 74.

3 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 178, give umdwayimba (pl. imidwayimba) as ‘Tall, lanky person’.

4 The reference to p. 140 is to testimony given by Sijewana kaMjanyelwa, probably on 13.11.1899 or 14.11.1899, and recorded by Stuart in File 74, p. 140. For our published rendering, see Stuart Archive, vol. 5, pp. 334-5. The reference to p. 141 is to testimony given by Johannes Kumalo: see note 2 above.

5 The names are those of the main line of Nyuswa chiefs. Buyiswayo means ‘the one who is caused to return’.

6 Khabazela, Gcwabe and Zihlandlo were chiefs in the main Mkhize (Mbo) line.

7 The words in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion. The names are those of successive rulers of the Qadi chiefdom.

8 The words in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion. The names are those of members of the Fuze chiefly house.

9 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 462, gives umnyakanya (pl. iminyakanya) as ‘Single stick of <widow bird> feathers, of which a couple (imi-Nyakanya) are fixed to the head as an ornament at dances, etc.’. On p. 557 he gives imiklezo (imirrezo in his orthography) as ‘covering of long cows’-tails (ama-shoba) worn round the neck and falling over the chest and back …’. On p. 546 he gives umqubula as ‘Dress … formed of three girdles or kilts of <monkey> tails, one of which was worn low over the buttocks, another above the hips and a third over the shoulders like a cape, thus covering the body entirely from neck to knee’.

10 Dingiswayo kaJobe, to whom Shaka was at least nominally subordinate, was ruler of the Mthethwa kingdom. OYengweni was his main umuzi. Macingwane kaJama was ruler of the Chunu chiefdom. ENgonyameni was Macingwane’s main umuzi.

11 UDlungwana woMbelebele was one of Shaka’s praises.

12 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 403-4, gives umnawe as ‘Any brother or sister younger than oneself used by married women to their brothers (married or unmarried) even when older than themselves …’.

13 In the list that follows, the English meanings in parentheses have been supplied by the editors.

14 Cetshwayo died in 1884.

15 Ikhafula (pl. amakhafula) was a term of contempt applied by people in the Zulu kingdom to black people who lived in the colony of Natal (esiLungwini, the white people’s country).

16 Dlozi kaLanga was in Suart’s employ and was another of his informants: his testimony appears in volume 1 of the Stuart Archive.

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17 The original has the date as 27.2.’01, but this is clearly a mistake on Stuart’s part. Stuart’s notebook on the History of Zululand constitutes File 70 of the Stuart Collection.

18 Ndukwana kaMbengwana was one of Stuart’s most important informants: his evidence appears in volume 4 of the Stuart Archive.

19 The names given are those of the line of chiefs of the Ngongoma section of the Ngcobo people. The notes in parentheses in this sentence appear in the original as interlinear insertions.

20 The names given are those of the line of chiefs of the Nyuswa, the senior section of the Ngcobo people. The original list, as given here, was subsequently amended by Stuart in the following respects: a) He inserted the name Dindi after Tondo (Thondo); b) he indicated that the name Bamula should follow after Dindi; c) he indicated that the name Ludiyo, which he amended to Ludiwo, should come at the end of the list.

21 Literally, ‘they originated from the uhlanga’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 241, gives uhlanga as ‘Dry stalk … of the mealie, mabele, or similar plant …; original stem or stock from which mankind generally is supposed to have taken its rise, from which it, like an ear of corn, has been produced or grown forth; stem or stock (i.e. particular house or family) from which a clan or tribe has taken its rise; genealogy or pedigree, of any family or house; dynasty …’.

22 Zwide kaLanga was ruler of the Ndwandwe kingdom, Dingiswayo kaJobe was ruler of the Mthethwa kingdom, and Phakathwayo kaKhondlo was ruler of the Qwabe chiefdom.

23 On p. 539 of his Dictionary, Bryant writes, ‘… uku-qokota ulimi, to twist up the tongue i.e. speak a stiff, not softened language - the phrase being used only by those along the Zulu coast who speak the softened or tefula’d Zulu, of those living more further inland who do not tefula … In speaking of themselves these latter do not say uku-qokota ulimi, but uku-misa ulimi (i.e. to make their language stand up straight), because, they say, those along the coast make it “lie down” (uku-lalisa ulimi) by softening down every “l” into a “y”’.

24 Inyumbakazi means a barren cow.

25 Ntunjambili mountain, or Kranskop, lies near Kranskop village.

26 Mkhando kaDlova was another of Stuart’s informants; his testimony appears in volume 3 of the Stuart Archive.

27 The notes in these parentheses appear to have been added by Stuart after he had recorded Socwatsha’s list of Shaka’s imizi. On p. 79 of File 70 of the Stuart Collection, Stuart records evidence from Jantshi kaNongila to the effect that kwaWambaza was an umuzi built by Shaka for his half-brother Ngwadi. (See Jantshi’s testimony as given in Stuart Archive, vol. 1, p. 191.) Sivivi kaMaqungo was another of Stuart’s informants: his evidence appears in volume 5 of the Stuart Archive. John Bird, ed., Annals of Natal, vol. 1 (1888), p. 292, carries a reprint of an extract from Allen Gardiner’s Narrative of a Journey to the Zoolu Country (1836) in which Gardiner mentions the ‘Imbelibeli’ umuzi.

28 On p. 6 of File 70 of the Stuart Collection, Socwatsha identifies the Ndlovane as a stream which flows into the White Mfolozi in the Mthonjaneni area.

29 Mzilikazi kaMashobane of the Khumalo people was the first ruler of the Ndebele kingdom. Early in his career he was briefly subjected to Ndwandwe rule.

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30 Presumably Qethuka kaManqondo, ruler of the Magwaza chiefdom.

31 Ohlangeni is the locative of uhlanga. For Bryant’s gloss of this word, see note 21 above.

32 The reference is to p. 101 of File 73 of the Stuart Collection. Here Stuart records evidence given by Ndukwana on 19.9.1900 to the effect that Mgcobo was a son of Dingiswayo who was killed by the uSuthu at some point in the period 1879-84. See Ndukwana’s testimony as recorded in Stuart Archive, vol. 4, p. 285.

33 Somveli was a son of Dingiswayo. In 1881 a man called Sitimela appeared in Zululand and attempted, unsuccessfully, to gain the Mthethwa chiefship on the basis of an unsubstantiated claim that he was the son of Somveli.

34 Ukukleza was literally to drink from the udder of a cow. In the Zulu kingdom, boys were said to kleza when they went to an ikhanda to prepare for incorporation into an ibutho. Socwatsha’s statement may refer to his having grown up in the colony of Natal as distinct from the Zulu kingdom.

35 On umqubula see note 9 above. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 124, gives isidwaba as ‘Short skin petticoat, worn round the body above the thighbone and reaching nearly to the knees …’.

36 The note in parentheses appears in the original as an interlinear insertion. The reference is to Stuart’s ‘Book of Proverbs’, which now constitutes File 69 of the Stuart Collection.

37 The reference is possibly to Sonsukwana kaGqwatshaza of the Ntuli people. Izimanguyawana may have been the name of a body of men.

38 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 436, gives inkengane (pl. amankengane) as ‘Any poor, destitute, common fellow …; applied contemptuously to any individual of a foreign tribe …’.

39 On ukuthefula and ukuqokotha see note 23 above.

40 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 230, give umgando as ‘Purification ceremony after the death of a person’. Bryant, Zulu People, pp. 527-9, uses the word as the term for the group of individuals who were put to death and buried with a king.

41 Maphitha kaSojiyisa was head of the Mandlakazi section of the Zulu royal house.

42 The reference to Malambule may be to a son of the Swazi king Sobhuza. He featured prominently in Swazi politics in the first half of the 1840s.

43 Colenso, Dictionary, p. 342, gives imbo as ‘A fatal sickness …’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 381, gives imbo as the equivalent of uhlonzane, which, on p. 256, he glosses as ‘Malignant malarial fever …’.

44 Literally, the pass of the snake.

45 AbaBomvana abafanayo literally ments ‘the AbaBomvana who resemble’. Certain light-skinned individuals among the Bomvana were commonly said to be descended from European castaways.

46 The reference is to Socwatsha’s testimony as given on 28.12.1901 and recorded by Stuart in File 70, p. 6.

47 On his return from exile in the Cape in January 1883, Cetshwayo was officially installed by Sir Theophilus Shepstone as ruler of part of his former kingdom.

48 Nqetho kaKhondlo was chief of a section of the Qwabe. He was killed in 1829 in a fight with a force of Mpondo in the Mzimkhulu-Mzimvubu region. The references are

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to John Bird, ed., Annals of Natal, vol. 1, first published in 1888, and to Robert Russell, Natal: the Land and Its Story, first published in 1891.

49 Kito was George Cato, Mangcingci was Samuel Beningfield, Hohlo or Wohlo was Henry Ogle.

50 In transcribing these notes, Stuart omits a statement which he recorded in his original rough notes in File 60, nbk. 1, p. 24, to the effect that the inkatha was made by izinyanga. In the rough notes, he has underlined the word ‘izinyanga’ and placed a large question mark against it in the margin. He is presumably registering his doubt about this statement in the light of Socwatsha’s further statement (see below in the text) that only the king was allowed to make the royal inkatha. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 125, gives izidwedwe as ‘old rags, soiled raiment, etc., containing the body-dirt of people and collected by an umtakati for his evil practices’.

51 Ntshelele kaGodide and Somzica kaGodide were others of Stuart’s informants: their testimony appears under Ntshelele’s name in volume 5 of the Stuart Archive.

52 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 260, gives isihlungu or ubuhlungu as ‘Venom of a snake …; medicine supposed to cause that anything struck by a man who takes it, shall experience unusual pain or ill-effects, as though it had been bitten by a snake; such pain or ill-effects caused …’.

53 The reference to ‘those at the upper end’ is to the members of ruling families who lived at the upper end of their imizi.

54 John Bird, ed., Annals of Natal, vol. 1, p. 97, reproduces a paper written by H.F. Fynn in which Mxamama is referred to as ‘one of Chaka’s favourites’.

55 Colenso, Dictionary, p. 193, gives igwalagwala as ‘The Lory (iGolomi), Turacus’.

56 The term amanhlwenga (sing. inhlwenga), meaning something like ‘destitute beggars’, was often used by people in the Zulu kingdom to refer to Thonga-speakers who lived to the north.

57 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 143, gives imfibinga as ‘Opaque amber-coloured bead or beads, of two small sizes …’. On p. 270 he gives ukuhulula as ‘Slide off, slip off, strip off, as beads … from a string …’.

58 Colenso, Dictionary, p. 255 gives umkangala (umkhangala) as ‘Tree which supplies good staves; in Zululand Tshaka alone used a staff of this wood, it being forbidden to others to carry them’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 292, gives it as ‘Cape Teak …, a small tree growing in the coast bush-country and sticks made from which were not carried when going up to the chief’s, being supposed to bring bad luck’.

59 Literally, ‘the umNtungwa which is green’ or ‘the umNtungwa which is unripe’. In the present context it may mean ‘the umNtungwa who is uncultured’.

60 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 748, gives abaZansi (abaZantsi in his orthography; sing. umZansi) as a name for peoples who lived on or near the coast of what is now Zululand, as distinct from the abaNtungwa who lived in the inland regions.

61 Literally, ‘Mthethwa kaNyambose, you from down-country’. The abakwaNyambose constituted the ruling house of the Mthethwa chiefdom.

62 Melmoth Osborn was British Resident in Zululand from 1880 to 1883 with his headquarters at Nhlazatshe. From 1883 to 1887 he was Resident Commissioner in the Zululand Reserve, and from 1887 to 1893 was Resident Commissioner and Chief Magistrate of the Colony of Zululand.

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63 Zibhebhu’s forces destroyed oNdini (uluNdi), Cetshwayo’s main umuzi, in July 1883.

64 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 618, gives ukutekela as ‘Speak in the Swazi, Lala or Baca dialect, which abounds in the t and ts sounds …’.

65 On uhlanga see note 21 above. ‘Sakubona’, literally ‘We saw you’, was the common greeting among Zulu-speaking people. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 25, gives ‘Bayede!’ as ‘a word of salutation only used to the Zulu king’. On p. 410 he gives uNdabezitha as the praise name of ‘several clans … whose great ancestor seems to have been an individual (possibly one and the same) called uNdaba’.

66 AbakwaLubololwenja literally means ‘the people of the dog’s penis’. Abakwasibongosibi means ‘the people with the nasty name’.

67 Others of Stuart’s informants record that Ngqengelele of the Buthelezi, who was a menial in the service of Shaka, was forced by the latter to have his ears pierced.

68 The note in parentheses appears in the original as an interlinear insertion.

69 John William Colenso was Anglican Bishop of Natal from 1853 until his death in 1883. Luzipho kaNomageje was another of Stuart’s informants: his evidence appears in volume 1 of the Stuart Archive. The Duke of Cornwall and York visited Natal in 1901.

70 Ucingo, literally ‘wire’, here means telephone or telegram. Sambana was chief of the Nyawo people near the Lubombo mountains from the mid-nineteenth century until his death in 1911.

71 Nzobo or Dambuza kaSobadli of the Ntombela people was one of Dingane’s principal izinduna. The izinkomo zamahole were cattle seized by the Zulu from the Ndebele in a raid conducted in mid-1837. Among them were cattle which had been raided by the Ndebele from parties of Boers a few months before. They subsequently became known as the cattle which had ‘drawn’ (ukuhola) the Boers into the Zulu kingdom.

72 Sotobe kaMpangalala of the Sibiya people was an important chief in the time of Shaka and Dingane. He exercised authority over territory on the lower Thukela.

73 The reference to Bikwayo may be to Bikwayo kaNoziwawa, who was another of Stuart’s informants; his testimony appears in volume 1 of the Stuart Archive.

74 G. Bruheim lived in the Mabhudu kingdom in the later nineteenth century and exercised considerable influence in its public affairs.

75 Somkhele kaMalanda of the Mpukunyoni and Sokweshatha kaMlandela of the Mthethwa were important chiefs in the Zulu kingdom.

76 John Shepstone was Acting Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal from 1876 to 1884. From December 1882 to March 1883 he temporarily held the post of Resident Commissioner in the ‘reserve territory’ that was then being established in southern Zululand by the British authorities. His headquarters were at Eshowe.

77 The isAngqu is otherwise known as the Orange or Gariep river. We have been unable to identify the other rivers named.

78 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 350, gives umlandwane (umlandwana) as ‘Pregnancy in an unmarried girl; applied also to the resulting child’. Manzolwandle was a son of Cetswhayo; Ndabuko was a son of Mpande.

79 Stuart probably meant to write ‘Amala.’ as an abbreviation for ‘Amalanga’. The eLangeni and the amaLanga were quite different groups.

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80 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 94, gives idebe (pl. amadebe) as ‘Person with his face cut up with tribal incisions …; used contemptuously of anybody’.

81 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 223, writes of umhanga: ‘Native of a very fair, merely tanned, whitish complexion …; freq. applied to a Dutchman, as being of a similar light-yellow complexion, not mhlope (white) as English people’.

82 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 424, gives ungoqo as ‘… a person of the lower classes who doesn’t appear at the royal kraal, an inferior person, one of no consequence, a nobody …’.

83 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 135, gives ukweshwama as ‘Perform … the preliminary feast of the first-fruits, about a month before the great annual festival of the um-Kosi …’. A chief’s right to perform the ukweshwama ceremonies was a mark of his political autonomy.

84 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 69, gives umcatu as the equivalent of ingcatu, which, on p. 174, he glosses as ‘A very slow walking or creeping along, as of an infant or very infirm person …’. On p. 69 he writes, ‘… umcatu ka’Bovungana, the slow pace of Bovungana - a former chief who required his girls to walk slowly to and from the river, in order not to break their pots’.

85 Izinto translates literally as ‘things’. The meaning here is not clear.

86 Inxusa (pl. amanxusa) translates as messenger, envoy.

87 Ukwelama is to follow in order of birth. Andile is the past participle of the verb ukwanda, to increase, multiply, become enlarged.

88 Ngungunyane (Gungunyana) was head of the section of the Ndwandwe royal house which ruled the Gaza kingdom in what is now Mozambique. In 1895 he was defeated in war by the Portuguese, deposed and exiled. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 751, gives abaTshweki as the equivalent of amaNhlwenga: see note 56 above. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 524, gives ukuqakaqa as ‘Ornament the body, as girls do, by cutting patches of incisions about the body, or as the ama-Ntlenga about the face, or as a woman does on the first menstruation of her first-born child by smearing spots of black or red colouring over her face and body’. Manukuza and Gasa (Gaza) were figures in Ngungunyane’s line of ancestors.

89 The reference is to the raid which Shaka made on the Mpondo in 1828. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 326, gives ukhukhulelangoqo as ‘A universal driving along or bringing up of the whole common herd, as to the king’s kraal at an um-Kosi, or for being sent out on the war-path, nobody being left at home but females and children …’.

90 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 239, gives ihlambo as ‘Custom of “washing the spears” (uku-hlamba imi-konto) at the conclusion of the month’s mourning following the death of a person’.

91 After his succession to the Zulu kingship, Dingane styled himself as the leader who had lamula’d, i.e. mediated or intervened, to save the Zulu kingdom from Shaka’s misrule. The reference to ‘hawkers’ (abahwebi, or abarwebi in an older orthography) is to the Zulu people, who, according to recorded tradition, had once had a reputation as traders of medicines.

92 Isithunyisa and isibhamu both mean ‘gun’.

93 Ihashi and injomane both mean ‘horse’.

94 Abelungu and abelumbi both mean ‘white people’.

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95 Abalumbi or abelumbi, literally ‘doers of wonderful things’, derives from the verb ukulumba, which Bryant, Dictionary, p. 366, glosses as ‘Do or make anything … of a wonderful nature, or with surprising skill …; (in a particular sense) work evil of a surprising nature upon a person …’.

96 Namathela kuye literally means ‘be firmly attached to him’.

97 The name uMvuthwamini derives from the verb ukuvuthwa, to ripen, and locative noun, emini, at midday.

98 The reference is to the evidence which immediately follows.

99 Mehlokazulu was chief of the Qungebe. Charles Saunders was Chief Magistrate and Civil Commissioner and then Commissioner for Native Affairs in Zululand from 1897 to 1909. The Duke of Cornwall and York visited Natal in 1901.

100 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 343, gives ukukwitiza as ‘Speak indistinctly, unintelligibly, as a foreigner speaking so that one cannot catch what he says …’.

101 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 705, gives ixuku as ‘Group, as of people or cattle …; clump or cluster of things standing together …’.

102 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 364, gives umlozi (pl. imilozi) as the equivalent of umlozikazana, which, on the same page, he glosses as ‘Familiar spirit of a necromancer which makes itself audible by a whistling voice, said to be produced by ventriloquism; such a necromancer supposedly possessed by such a spirit …’.

103 The latter part of this sentence translates literally as ‘those who have converted are still abantu’, in other words, black people who still keep to customary ways.

104 Yamela kaPhangandawo of the kwaTshange people was chief induna to Melmoth Osborn (see note 62 above). Sir Marshal Clarke was Resident Commissioner and Chief Magistrate in Zululand from 1893 to 1897.

105 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 101, gives indlelo as ‘… that side of a slaughtered beast, or its hide, opposite to the wounded side - this latter, notwithstanding that it contains the assegai holes (and probably just on account of them), is the most prized …’. Inxeba means wound.

106 Umzimba means body. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 448, gives inqulu as ‘That part of the side of the upper-leg between the buttock and the outside thigh-bone, where there is a sinking in of the flesh, and upon which one rests when reclining’. Idungamizi, from the verb ukudunga, to disturb, and imizi, homesteads, means disturber of homesteads. This paragraph appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

107 ‘The breaking of the rope’ is a reference to Mpande’s flight from the Zulu kingdom to the Boers in Natal in 1839.

108 This sentence appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

109 In the succession dispute between Mbuyazi and Cetshwayo which culminated in the victory of Cetshwayo in the battle of Ndondakusuka in 1856, the supporters of the former were known as iziGqoza and those of the latter as uSuthu.

110 The names are those of sons of Mpande.

111 Stuart has mistakenly written ‘3.1.01’ in the original.

112 We have been unable to establish the meaning of ngcedi.

113 Dabulamanzi was a senior son of Mpande.

114 Possibly references to Ndabuko and Tshonkweni (Shonkweni), senior sons of Mpande who were among Dinuzulu’s senior advisers.

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115 Maphitha was head of the Mandlakazi section of the Zulu royal house. After the break-up of the Zulu kingdom in 1879, some of the Mandlakazi, under Maphitha’s son Zibhebhu, sought to establish their autonomy from the Zulu royal house. Hayiyana was the eldest son of Maphitha and head of another group of Mandlakazi which was at odds with the one led by Zibhebhu.

116 KwaBangonomo was Zibhebhu’s main umuzi.

117 The reference is to the thirteen chiefs who were appointed by the British after their victory over the Zulu in 1879 as rulers of the former Zulu kingdom. Malimate (Malimade) was Melmoth Osborn: see note 62 above.

118 Mmango was Arthur Shepstone, a son of Theophilus. In the period 1883-87 he was engaged in recruiting labourers for a diamond mining company.

119 Somkhele kaMalanda was chief of the Mpukunyoni people.

120 Mgojana was of the Ndwandwe chiefly house.

121 This sentence appears in the original as a marginal insertion. Iviyo (pl. amaviyo) was a group of fighting-men perhaps fifty or sixty strong.

122 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 663, give iphini (pl. amaphini) as ‘Underling; inferior officer; personal representative’. On amanhlwenga, see note 56 above.

123 Siyunguza and Mgitshwa are identified in Socwatsha’s list above. Mavumengwana kaNdlela was chief of a section of the Ntuli people.

124 Mngcangca ka Fabase of the amaKhabela people was a chief in the Umvoti Division in the 1880s and 1890s.

125 The reference here is to an incident which occurred in October 1877 when a delegation of Zulu leaders met Theophilus Shepstone (Somsewu), then Administrator of the Transvaal, near the Ncome (Blood) river in an attempt to resolve the simmering border dispute between the Zulu kingdom and the Transvaal. Bhejane kaNomageje of the Cebekhulu people was one of Cetshwayo’s izinduna. Michael Gallwey, the Attorney-General of Natal, was a member of the Commission of Inquiry appointed in 1878 to investigate the dispute; he did not accompany Shepstone to the meeting at the Ncome.

126 The praise translates literally as ‘the gun-muzzle of the policemen’. This sentence appears in the original as a marginal insertion on p. 4.

127 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 6, gives the verb ukwambuka as ‘Break one’s allegiance to or abandon one’s chief … in favour of another - the word was commonly applied to those of Cetshwayo’s people who went over to the southern side of the Umhlatuze, to John Dunn and the white-people’. On p. 382 Bryant gives the noun imbuka (pl. amambuka) as ‘Traitor to one’s chief, one who forsakes him and goes over to another - the name was chiefly applied to those Zulus of Cetshwayo who left him and came to live on the south side of the Umhlatuze, with John Dunn and other whitemen’.

128 Isikonkane should presumably read isikonkwane (isikhonkwane), which Bryant, Dictionary, p. 316, gives as ‘… stake, bone, or stone set up … by a doctor to charm away evil, etc.’.

129 Izwe lamafuta translates literally as ‘the country of fat’.

130 Ikilikiqi le qili translates as the ‘crafty person’s clever feat’. Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 656, give impengu as a hlonipha term for inyanga, a diviner or herbalist. We are unable to elucidate the meaning of this note.

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131 Qethuka kaManqondo was chief of the Magwaza people. Mnkabayi was a sister of the Zulu chief Senzangakhona.

132 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 285, gives umkaba (umkhaba) as ‘Big hanging belly’. This paragraph appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

133 The notes in this sentence appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

134 Esikaleni se Bomvu translates as ‘at the pass of red ochre’.

135 ‘C.’ is Cetshwayo, who returned to Zululand from exile in January 1883. Godloza was Socwatsha’s elder brother.

136 In his list of ‘Native Names of Europeans’ in File 73, pp. 130, 145-6 of the Stuart Collection, Stuart identifies Ladamu (Ladumu) as A. Adams, Momoyi as S.M. Samuelson, Mankankanana and Hanise as Bishop Schreuder, Nzimela as Rev. Robertson, Mondi as Rev. O.C. Oftebro, Matshayinyoni as E.A. Brunner, Zobeyana as Galloway, Mfundisi as Rev. F. Owen, Maguquka as Sir F. Cardew, Faya as Jorgen B. Faye, and Bebedlana as Christopher Faye.

137 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 202, gives ingquthu as ‘Ox given to a bride’s mother, and extra to the lobola cattle …’.

138 This sentence appears in the original as a marginal insertion. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 475, gives ukwomula (causative: ukwomulisa) as ‘Begin to eat amasi after certain periods of abstinence during which … it has been abstained from … - the word, from its connections, is almost confined in its use to females …’.

139 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 135, gives ethula (etula) as ‘… present or put down before by way of recompense …’.

140 The meaning here is that the king presented cattle to certain of his leading subjects who would in return present the king with daughters for his isigodlo. When these young women married, the ilobolo cattle given for them would go to the king.

141 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 523, gives isiqabetho - isiqabeto - (pl. iziqabetho) as ‘Common large-sized shallow basket of Native women = i(li)-Qoma …’.

142 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 505, gives uphiso (upiso) as ‘Large beer i-mBiza, with a small rimmed mouth like an isi-Cumu basket’. On p. 40 he gives imbiza as ‘General name for any of the larger-sized earthenware pots in Native use (not those used for actual “table” use i.e. for eating or drinking out of - see u(lu)-Kamba) …’. On p. 83 he gives isichumu (isicumu) as ‘Large globular basket, with small mouth at top, used for carrying beer’.

143 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 150, gives umfokazana as ‘Little bit of a fellow from some other tribe (by Natives always supposed to be inferior to their own) - diminutive form of umFokazi used in sense of contempt; hence, stranger in a poor way; poor fellow living as dependant or servant in a strange kraal, as old Native bachelors often do; any beggarly, menial-class person (term of contempt)’.

144 Ukuncama means to eat before starting a journey.

145 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 339, gives inkwebane as ‘Boy or boys of any particular kraal or place, between the ages of about five and twelve, i.e. until old enough to become <a mat-bearer>’.

146 Bryant describes the unomdede rituals, which were performed by girls to bring fertility to the fields, in his Dictionary, p. 513, under pukula (phukula). On p. 439 he gives uNomkhubulwana (uNomkubulwana) as ‘Fabulous female, supposed to be the

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i-nKosazana yas’ ezulwini (young lady of heaven) and virtually the Native Ceres, presiding over the growth of grains, mainly amabele, from which she is said to have taught the Natives to make beer’.

147 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 604, gives umswani as ‘Grass in the paunch or first-stomach of cattle or other ruminating animals and awaiting re-chewing …’.

148 In a marginal note, Stuart indicates that amavenge means the same as izigqu (iziqu). Bryant, Dictionary, p. 545, gives isiqu (pl. iziqu) as ‘… medicinal prophylactic or medicine, not used for curing diseases, but for preserving against or preventing all manner of evil emergencies, … such as are worn as a neck-lace or string ornament round the body by a warrior who has killed a man in battle …’.

149 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 115-6, gives indondo (pl. izindondo) as ‘Solid brass ball, about an inch thick, and having a hole through the middle, for wearing round the neck as an ornament …’.

150 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 591, gives usinga as ‘Certain bundles of muscle, as on the upper foreleg and back of an ox, and which are dried and stripped up into strong fibres; such muscular fibre when stripped up and used for sewing, plaiting into strings, etc. …’.

151 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 280, gives injobo (pl. izinjobo) as ‘Single “tail” or piece of twisted skin …, applied collectively to either or both of the bunches of such tails worn by a man dangling below the hips, between the isinene and the ibeshu …’. The isinene is a man’s front covering and the ibheshu the buttock cover. The umutsha (pl. imitsha) is the complete girdle.

152 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 726, gives uzi as ‘Sewing-fibre, in any state, whether as the whole growing plant or tree, the rough unstringed bark or stalk brought home from the forest, or the strings when already twisted for use …’.

153 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 179, give isidwenga (pl. izidwenga) as ‘Buckskin blanket’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 149, gives isifociya (pl. izifociya) as ‘Belt made of fibre worn by women from after the first childbirth …’. On p. 19 he gives isibamba as the equivalent of isifociya.

154 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 557, gives imiklezo (imirrezo in his orthography) as ‘covering of long cows’-tails (ama-shoba) worn round the neck and falling over the chest and back …’.

155 The notes in this paragraph appear in the original as a marginal insertion. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 49, gives isibotho (isiboto in his orthography) as ‘… weak-footed person, a bad-walker, who cannot walk far’.

156 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 544, gives uqhotho - uqoto in his orthography - (pl. izinqotho) as ‘… strip of skin cut off from the ragged edges of a dressed hide, and which is used for making reims, strings, and the like …’.

157 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 655, gives insonyama (intsonyama in his orthography) as ‘Meat covering the outside of the ribs of a slaughtered ox … - this is considered the prime part of the beast, and the intsonyama on that side of the beast that has the assegai-wound … is generally sent as a kind of tribute to the induna or headman of the particular district …’.

158 The Addison referred to may have been a medical doctor of that name who lived in Natal and for whom Stuart had briefly worked as an assistant in the late 1880s.

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159 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 668, under ‘twala’, writes of the expression ukuthwala izandla ekhanda: ‘to carry the hands behind the head … i.e. to wail or cry … for a dead person (from the custom of the women of so placing their hands when stricken with grief, on which account the adoption of such a posture at other times is not becoming or proper)’. Large numbers of cattle died in an epidemic of rinderpest which swept through southern Africa in 1896-97.

160 In his Dictionary, Bryant describes the cattle whose colours are referred to in this list as follows: p. 633, inhlamvukazi, ‘Cow of a light brown colour’; p. 473, inzimemnyama, ‘Black ox’; p. 393, mpofu, ‘Brown, in any of its lighter shades …; tawny …; light muddy brown …’; p. 315, inkone, ‘Beast, black or red, having a white patch along the back …’; p. 368, ilunga, ‘… beast … of a black colour with white on the back …’; p. 407, inco, ‘Red ox with large white patches distributed about the body’; p. 273, ihwanqa, ‘… bullock … black with white spots or small patches all over the body - the markings being deeper and more clearly cut than in the i-mPunga; i-Hwanqa elibomvu, a beast marked similarly to above but with brown instead of black (= i-Nala …)’; p. 691, iwaba, ‘Black ox (- i(li)-Wasakazi being used for a cow) with a white patch under the belly and running slightly up the flanks or about the stump of the tail …’; p. 666, intusi, ‘Red ox having patches or spots of white on the upper parts of the legs and beneath the belly’; pp. 492-3, impemvu, ‘Beast (properly of a black colour) having a white head and neck, or merely a white face’; p. 400, inala, ‘… ox having white spots all over the body …’; p. 517, impunga, ‘Any grey-coloured thing …, a black and white speckled beast …’; p. 216, ingwevu, ‘Ox, of any colour, having the front parts (face and chest) grey i. e. white carrying spots of a darker colour … (= i-mPunga)’; p. 656, insundu (intsundu), ‘Beast of a blackish-brown colour, and including such tints as puce, chocolate, marone, etc.’; p. 228, ihemu, ‘… an ox black or red on one side of the body and having white patches on the other …’; p. 117, umdubu, ‘… any animal or thing … of a light yellowish or dusty brown; also of a drab or pinkish grey tint’; pp. 539-40, iqola, ‘… ox of a black colour with a white patch on the rump, or back above the hinder-legs’; p. 733, inzotha (inzota), ‘Beast spotted all over with chocolate-brown and white patches …’; p. 623, intenjane, ‘Dun or mud-coloured ox having patches of white about the back, flanks, etc.’; p. 383, mdaka, ‘Of the colour of mud …, dark brown …’; p. 463, unyaluti ‘= u-Nyawoti’; p. 466, nyawothi (nyawoti), ‘Ox, etc., of a light brown or light muddy colour’; p. 147, ufipha, ‘Thing of a deep venous, or dark crimson, or purplish brown colour’; p. 550, unqungu, umqunge, ‘… stripe of an animal …’; p. 36, ibhidi (ibidi), ‘Variegated thing, commingling various colours …’; p. 271, ihungqu (ihunqu), ‘Thing or animal checkered with dark and light markings, motlings <sic>, streaks or mixed patches …’; p. 452, unhlekwane (untlekwane), ‘… ox of a black colour having a patch of white running from the shoulders down the sides to the belly …’; p. 312, ukholo (ukolo), ‘… beast … with some, of a greyish blue or slate colour …; with others, light whitish yellow …’. In their Dictionary, Doke and Vilakazi give the following: p. 488, mavovo, ‘Drab’; p. 306, uhhwayiba, ‘Beast of greyish colour’; p. 485, inkomo emaqanda kaHhwayiba, ‘a piebald, coloured beast’; p. 804, umthuku (umtuku), ‘Mole-coloured beast’.

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161 Luhlaza usually means the colour green or blue. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 364, gives it as also meaning ‘glossy, shiny of colour’. Inkone eluhlazakazi means a glossy black beast with a white patch along the back.

162 The oNgoye is a range of hills between Eshowe and Empangeni.

163 This phrase translates literally as ‘the ihwanqa with izikhala the colour of medicines’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 288, gives isikhala - isikala (pl. izikhala) as ‘… temporal region …’.

164 In his Dictionary, Bryant glosses the terms given in this list as follows: p. 206, ingudulwana (diminutive of ingudulo), ‘Young bullock whose horns are just appearing …’; p. 249, isihleza, ‘Bullock with only one horn, or with the core only remaining on the other side’; p. 187, igodla, ‘Bullock with one of its horns “concealed away”, as it were, i.e. away from the other one, and whether round before the face or away behind the head’; p. 104, umdlovu, ‘Horn or horns of an ox when growing with the points downwards so as nearly to touch the jaws, but not hanging loose as the ama-Hlawe’; p. 446, amanqindi, ‘Docked or stumped ends of a thing from which the tips or points have been cut off, as the horns of cattle …’; p. 218, ingxibongo, ingxobongo, ‘Ox with horns going straight and uncurved forwards …’; p. 284, umjwaqu, ‘Lean, “skinny” thing, as a bullock …’; p. 72, isicengeza, ‘Beast with horns broadly spread out basin-fashion’; p. 542, isiqongo, ‘… bump or protuberance on the head of an ox between the horns …’; p. 533, isiqengqe, ‘Bullock with horns broadly spread out like a shallow basin …’; p. 116, indonya, ‘White star on the forehead of a horse or ox …’; p. 232, ihlabamvula ‘= i(li)Hlabazulu’; p. 233, ihlabazulu, ‘Young bullock of about two years old, with its horns still “pointed heavenwards”…’; p. 138, imfambele, ‘Cow with one or more of the teats blind or wanting’; p. 558, iklilathi (irrilati in Bryant’s orthography), ‘= i(li)rralati’; p. 555, iklalathi (iklalati), ‘Ox with a spot on the throat …’; p. 58, umbungu, ‘… ox of an entirely white colour, horns and all …’.

165 Qalizwe kaDlozi was another of Stuart’s informants. His testimony appears in volume 5 of the Stuart Archive.

166 Mkhungo was a son of Mpande who fled to Natal after Cetshwayo’s uSuthu followers had defeated the iziGqoza followers of his brother Mbuyazi in 1856 in a dispute over the succession to the Zulu kingship.

167 Ndube of the Magwaza was a chief in the Nkandhla division.

168 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 869, give umxukuzo, as ‘Aperient, medicine used as an aperient’.

169 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 119, gives iduka as ‘A girl attached to the ama-Duka hut or section of the i-nKwelemba band of Cetshwayo’s um-Ndhlunkulu’. On p. 340 he gives inkwelemba as ‘One of a certain band of isigodhlo girls of Cetshwayo formed by him after the ama-Tontsi and said to have been taught the use of the gun’.

170 We have been unable to trace this reference.

171 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 617-18, gives tebhisa (ukutebisa in his orthography) as ‘Wear or put on the buttock-covering or girdle in a loose manner, so that it lie low down upon the posteriors …’.

172 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 445, gives isinqekle (isinqerre in his orthography) as ‘One with an arm or leg broken and not re-set’.

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173 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 324, gives khubaza (kubaza) as ‘Injure, harm, hurt a person … by wounding in battle or an accident (used only of cut flesh wounds or ama-Nxeba, not of healable fractures, or knocks with a blunt instrument) …’.

174 Sikhunyana kaZwide succeeded his father as ruler of the Ndwandwe kingdom in the mid-1820s. The kingdom broke up after Sikhunyana’s forces were defeated by those of Shaka in 1826.

175 On uhlanga see note 21 above. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 240, gives umhlanga (loc. emhlangeni) as ‘Reed, or reeds of any kind; reed-bed, reedy-place, as in a river’.

176 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 384, gives isimema (pl. izimema) as ‘United cry of a multitude, as of a regiment shouting its war-cry, a hunt the hunting-whoop …’. ‘Isaacs’ is presumably Nathaniel Isaacs, who hunted and traded in the Zulu kingdom from 1825 to 1831 and was the author of Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa (1836).

177 Stuart here seems to mean that amaQandele was the name of Godloza’s umuzi.

178 This sentence would make better sense if it read ‘… the name not of his own principal kraal …’.

179 James King was leader of a party of hunters and traders at Port Natal from his arrival in 1825 until his death in 1828. His chief umuzi was called isiHlenga or esiHlengeni. Francis Farewell was leader of another party from 1824 until his death in 1829; his chief umuzi was called isiNyama or esiNyameni. It is not clear if this statement comes from Socwatsha or from Stuart.

180 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 167, gives ingalathi (ingalati) as ‘That portion of the navel-string left attached to the body of an infant at birth’. He goes on to write, ‘Native women declare or imagine that they can instinctively detect blood-relationship by navel sensations’. On p. 488 he gives uphawu (upawu) as ‘Mark, brand-mark, cut or stamped on anything in order to distinguish it …’.

181 We have been unable to establish the precise meanings of umcayo and umvetsho. Ukuhlabelela is the general Zulu word for ‘to sing’.

182 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 549, gives ukuqunga as ‘… go through the process of self-fortification against evil consequences or influences by means of smearing the body with charred medicaments, charms, etc., as does a man who has killed another in battle, or the chief annually at the ukw-eshwama …’.

183 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 593, gives umsizi as ‘… any medicine, etc., when burnt and ground up into a black powder …’. He writes of the umsizi hut, ‘At the time of the annual um-Kosi … the Zulu king went through the process of purification or fortification called uku-qunga … While being thus treated, he remained alone in a particular hut, used for this purpose every year, and called eyas’emsizini <that of the umsizi>. At night time he was attended therein by a selected wife, or girl from the isi-godhlo, and with whom, if so willed, he had intercourse. A child born of such connection was called owas’emsizini <the one of the umsizi>. ‘Wiping of the hoe’ refers to the sexual intercourse which took place.

184 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 122, gives iduna as ‘… a highest-class i-nDuna …’.

185 The reference is to an extract from the papers of Henry Fynn published in John Bird, ed., Annals of Natal, vol. 1 (1888), p. 97.

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186 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 439, gives unomthebe (unomtebe) as ‘Queen of white-ants’. On p. 272 he gives ukuhuzuka as ‘… became an i(li)-Huzu …’. On the same page he gives ihuzu as ‘“Town-Kafir” of a low class, who has abandoned his home and leads a loose life amoung the White-people …’.

187 Gobizembe of the Ntuli was a chief in the Mapumulo division.

188 Mfungelwa of the Ntuli was a chief in the Eshowe division. A. Boast was magistrate at Eshowe.

189 Dinuzulu returned to Natal from exile on St. Helena in January 1898. The rinderpest epidemic which killed large numbers of cattle in southern Africa took place in 1896-97.

190 It is not clear whether Mmiso was the son of Matshana kaMondise of the Sithole or of Matshana kaSitshakuza of the Chunu. Both were chiefs in the Nkandhla division, as were Mbuzo and Mphumela of the Ntuli, Sigananda of the Cube, and Ndube of the Magwaza. We have been unable to identify Nozaza.

191 Meseni of the Qwabe was a chief in the Lower Tugela division.

192 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

193 Nyakana of the Mbo (Mkhize) was a chief with adherents in the Umvoti and Mapumulo divisions.

194 Mthonga of the Zulu was a chief in the Eshowe division; Mgandeni of the Thonsi was a chief in the Umlalazi division; Sikhonyane of the eLangeni was a chief in the Eshowe division; Ntshingwayo of the Khoza was a chief in the Eshowe division; Lokothwayo of the Ngethe was a chief in the Umlalazi division.

195 B. Colenbrander was magistrate at Nkandhla.

196 This and the next ‘Where?’ in parentheses appear in the original as marginal insertions.

197 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

198 For Mphumela see note 190 above.

199 Meaning when the horns of the cattle, izimpondo zezinkomo, start becoming visible.

200 Chakijana kaGezindaka played a prominent role in the rebellion of 1906 and its aftermath.

201 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 86, gives incweba as ‘Tiny skin-bag containing medicines or charms and worn singly or in numbers on a string round the neck’.

202 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

203 Lieut.-Col. G. Mansel commanded a detachment of the Natal Police. Umqhathi means ‘the one who sets on a fight’.

204 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 273, gives ukuhwebeda (ukurwebeda in Stuart’s orthography) as the equivalent of ukugogoda, which, on p. 189, he gives as ‘Scrape out clean or completely … with a ladle or <gourd> …, as one might the water …, beer, porridge, or rice in a pot …’. Uhwebede is the one who scrapes clean. ‘Ubisi lu ya yeya impupu’ literally means ‘the milk lacks porridge’.

205 Mqhawe was chief of the Qadi in the Inanda, Mapumulo, Ndwedwe and Impendhle divisions.

206 The names in this paragraph appear in the original as marginal insertions. Gence and Mnqandi were diviners who were murdered in Zululand in the aftermath of the rebellion of 1906. Manzolwandle was a son of Cetshwayo who was seen by some Zulu as the latter’s legitimate successor in place of Dinuzulu.

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207 The words ‘i.e. umnikaziyo, noma induna noma inkosi’ appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

208 The ikhohlo was the left-hand house of the umuzi.

209 Literally, ‘the lightning of the heavens!’

210 Bryant, Dictionary, does not have an entry for ucibigoje. On p. 73 he gives uchibi (ucibi) as ‘Immense multitude, as of people or cattle on one spot …’. A free translation of ‘Ugcinalitshone ucibigoje’ would be ‘The multitude was so large as to finish passing by only at sunset’.

211 For inkengane (pl. amankengane) see note 38 above. Isitha means enemy.

212 The colours mentioned in this paragraph are glossed in note 160 above. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 546, gives umqubula as ‘Dress … formed of three girdles or kilts of <monkey> tails, one of which was worn low over the buttocks, another above the hips and a third over the shoulders like a cape, thus covering the body entirely from neck to knee’.

213 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 26, gives ukugwaza ibhece, literally to stab an ibhece melon, as ‘to kill a defenceless or powerless person, massacre an enemy when already vanquished, surrendered, or overtaken in flight’.

214 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 8, gives isangcobe as ‘Old mealies or mabele of the current or last harvested season, which have become sour from the damp of the pit’. On p. 488 he gives upata as ‘Mouldy rotting mealies remaining at the bottom of the pit from the harvest before last’. On p. 616 he gives umthathe (umtate) as ‘Mealie grain or grains (collect.), when crisply dry and fresh, not yet tainted by the earth-pit …’.

215 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

216 The reference is to Socwatsha’s evidence as recorded on p. 42 of File 59, nbk. 32 of the Stuart Collection. See the text below.

217 Mtshaphi kaNohadu was another of Stuart’s informants. The reference is to testimony which appears in the Stuart Archive, vol. 4, p. 68.

218 Literally, ‘the breaking of the rope’.

219 Bhongoza kaMefu won fame in the Zulu kingdom for decoying Boer forces into an ambush after the Boer victory over the Zulu at the Ncome river in December 1838.

220 Stuart has wrongly identified Lunguza as his informant on p. 32 of File 59, nbk. 32: it was actually Ndabambi kaSikhakana. See his statement as rendered in the Stuart Archive, vol. 4, p. 177.

221 We have been unable to establish the meaning of o si yoto.

222 Sivivi kaMaqungo was another of Stuart’s informants: his testimony appears in volume 1 of the Stuart Archive. We have been unable to trace any evidence that he gave to Stuart on 27.2.1907.

223 Fort Yolland is situated some twenty kilometres west of Eshowe.

224 The date in parentheses appears in the original as an interlinear insertion. It may signify the date on which Stuart wrote up the testimony which follows.

225 Stuart usually used the spelling ‘Dingana’. Occasionally, as here, he slipped into using the spelling ‘Dingane’.

226 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 663, give iphini as ‘Underling; inferior officer; personal representative’.

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227 ‘Ifa ini?’ translates literally as ‘Is it an inheritance?’ For ivelo read imvelo, which translates as ‘nature’, ‘character’.

228 The first part of the praise translates loosely as ‘the basket with which I learnt’ (to weave?) It may refer to the fact that the inGobamakhosi was the first ibutho formed by Cetshwayo. Of the words in the second part of the praise, hlafuna means to chew and izinkobe means boiled grain, but we have been unable to make sense of the sentence.

229 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 166, gives igagu as ‘Bold, forward, shame-less person, in a good or bad sense, as a bold singer or dancer …’.

230 The notes in this and the next two paragraphs appear in the original as marginal insertions.

231 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 516-17, gives ukuphunga as ‘Drive off by motioning, frightening, scaring, in some way, … as a doctor when sprinkling an army or kraal with an i-nTelezi …’. On p. 620 he gives intelezi as ‘General name for all those medicinal charms whose object is to counteract evil by rendering its causes innocuous, … and gen. administered by a “sprinkling” process … and not carried about on the person …’.

232 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 94, gives udekane as ‘Meadow-plant (Vitis hypoleuca) with raceme of tiny white sweet smelling flowerlets and used as an intelezi …’. On p. 106 he gives idlula as ‘Certain plant growing in woods, whose roots are used as an intelezi …’.

233 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 678, give uphunyu as ‘Species of herbs, Portulaca quadrifida, and P. caffra, used as preventive medicine’. Ukuphunyaka means to ‘Slip out of the grasp’. Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 662, give uphindamshaye as ‘Species of wild grenadilla, Adenia gummifera, used as a medicinal charm to react on a witch’. The word derives from ukuphinda, to repeat, go back, and ukushaya, to beat, srike. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 735, gives umzungulu as ‘Certain bush (Dalbergia obovata), whose bark is used as rope, etc., for binding’.

234 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 372, gives umabophe as ‘Certain plant (Acridocarpus Natalitius) whose red roots are used as an inTelezi or sprinkling-charm against all manner of evil influence, coming dangers, etc., and as an isi-betelelo …’. On p. 33 he gives isibetelelo as ‘Any love-medicine …’.

235 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 412, gives isindiyandiya (pl. izindiyandiya) as ‘… certain plants (Bersama lucens and Spermacoce Natalensis) eaten by a man before appearing in a Native court as a charm in order to throw the minds of those trying the case into a general confusion’.

236 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 261, give ugqamamaweni as ‘Begonia Dregei, species of edible flowering plant’. On p. 580 they give unkungwini as ‘Species of plectranthus plant used as a love-charm’. On p. 769 they give insulansula as ‘Protective charm against witchcraft placed in the kraal; charm for blinding, made from the herb Spermacoce natalensis’.

237 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 217, gives isigxa as ‘Iron rod, or wooden stake, used by a Native doctor for digging up medicinal roots …’. On the same page he gives ugxa as ‘Iron rod or stake, as above; fee for using it, nowadays a goat or half-a-sovereign’.

238 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 39, gives isibinda as ‘Certain large and hard-wooded forest tree’.

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239 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 243. gives umhlangwe as ‘Large, dust-coloured snake, with prominent spine and not poisonous, but regarded as an isi-Hlambamhlola should it enter a kraal or hut …’. Isihlambamhlola means bad omen.

240 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 727, gives ukuzila as ‘Abstain from doing something in accordance with custom or ordinance …’. On p. 511 he gives ukuphothula as ‘… purify oneself, cleanse away the defilement of “black medicines” … by rubbing, anointing or washing one’s body in water or grease medicated with charms, and after which generally follows a completing dose of “white medicines” freeing the individual from all the restraint imposed upon him by the “black medicines”’.

241 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 725, gives izembe (pl. amazembe) as ‘… certain disease (really several different diseases), appearing as dysentery, bleeding from the stomach, kidney diseases, culminating sometimes in insanity, and so on, and contracted, only by men …; medicine, etc., used in the treatment of such disease …’.

242 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 654, gives insizi (pl. izinsizi) - intsizi in his orthography - as ‘Certain Native medicines or “black-powders”, consisting of the flesh, skin, feet, etc., of various animals mixed with certain herbs and burnt to ashes …’.

243 Ukunukisa means to cause to inhale.

244 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 324, gives ikhubalo (pl. amakhubalo) as ‘Any Native wood-medicine …, as medicinal roots, bark and the like, not leaves, bulbs, stones, or animal powders …’.

245 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 480, gives impaka as ‘Cat possessed by an um-takati as a “familiar” and sent by him on villainous errands …’.

246 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 356, gives isilili as ‘Sleeping-place in a hut i.e. that part of the floor on either side of the hearth where the sleeping-mats are laid - the husband appropriating one side or isi-Lili and his wife the other.’ Izinhlangothi (sing. uhlangoti) means the sides of the house. The notes in this paragraph appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

247 An isivivane was an accumulation of stones left by travellers as good-luck tokens at prominent places along the wayside.

248 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 322, gives umkhovu (pl. imikhovu) as ‘Familiar of an umtakati, whom he sends round by night for working evil, placing poison, etc., in the kraals …’.

249 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 254, ukuhlolela as ‘Bring or send down on one … an evil- sign or ill-omen, as an umtakati does on a kraal previous to attacking it …’.

250 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 115-16, gives indondo (pl. izindondo) as ‘Solid brass ball, about an inch thick, and having a hole through the middle, for wearing round the neck as an ornament …’. The first part of the sentence in the text translates as ‘Izindondo were part of the dress which people of rank wore in former times, newly married wives and older wives’.

251 ‘Umango funa’d them’ translates literally as ‘The hillside wanted them’. A free translation might be, ‘Ordinary people coveted them’.

252 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 542. gives ukuqonela as ‘Overshadow a person … by obtaining some occult ascendancy over him, or greater influence, prestige, or importance than he …’.

253 We have been unable to establish the precise meanings of uphathelanjalo (literally, ‘the one who always carries’) and utshomu. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 125, gives

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izidwedwe as ‘old rags, soiled raiment, etc., containing the body-dirt of people and collected by an umtakati for his evil practices’.

254 The reference is to a battle between the followings of Cetshwayo (the uSuthu) and Mbuyazi (the iziGqoza) at Ndondakusuka near the mouth of the Thukela in 1856.

255 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 703, gives ixoki as ‘Person intolerable to others by the trouble he causes, by his bad temper, fault finding or quarrelsome nature …’.

256 This event, if it happened at all, is usually said to have taken place in 1840, when the Boers recognized Mpande as king of the Zulu. Socwatsha seems to be confusing two quite different events.

257 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 351, gives ubulawu as ‘Love potion or medicinal charm of any kind (mostly consisting of herbs), as so commonly used by young-men in their dealings with girls …’.

258 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 604, gives ukuswaza as the equivalent of ukusileka. On p. 588 he gives the latter as ‘… make a person … become disfavoured or disliked, as by his companions or the other sex, or unlucky, unprosperous, in his undertakings or chances …’. On p. 604 he gives umswazi as the equivalent of isilela. On p. 587 he gives the latter as ‘Disfavour, state of being disliked or unfavourably regarded, as in a person who is unpopular with the girls, not liked by his chief or companions; bad luck, not good fortune, as in one’s undertakings or chances …’.

259 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 511, give umpikayiboni (literally, the army does not see) as ‘Medicine used to make people invulnerable’. On p. 167 they give isidondi as ‘Species of preventive medicine’.

260 The notes in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion. Of the words in this list of ubulawu, Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, give the following glosses: p. 30, ibheka, ‘Species of herbs used as emetic for love-charm …’; p. 137, isidala, ‘… wild pink carnation, used as a love-charm’; p. 568, inhlanhla, ‘… Species of medicinal plant, Secamone spec., a forest climber with latex’; p. 278, uguqu, ‘Herbalist’s name for the isidenda shrub, Maesa alnifolia, the roots of which are used as a love-charm (lit. the changer)’; p. 888, izaza, ‘Species of herbal love-charms: i(li) zaza elimhlope: Behnia reticulata. i(li)zaza elimbomvu: Talictrum rhynchocarpum’; p. 509, umoyomnandi, ‘Species of herbal love-charm’; p. 200, umfanozacile, ‘Species of bush used as a love-charm’; p. 174, umdumo, ‘Species of tree, Ilex nitis, bark used as emetic’; p. 284, igwayilazo, ‘Scabiosa columberia, used as a love-charm’; p. 67, ubani, ‘Blue-flowering agapanthus lily, Agapanthus umbellatus, the roots of which are used by young men as a love-charm emetic’; p. 755, usikisiki, ‘Species of bush, prob. Veronia, whose leaves are used as a love emetic’; p. 94, ibutha, ‘Love-charm emetic, consisting of certain kinds of Asparagus’; p. 787, isithathe, ‘Oxalis …’; p. 853, isiwisa, ‘Medicinal charm to keep hail from the gardens’; p. 274, iguleni, ‘Species of leafless climber with green flowers, Bowiea volubilis, herbalist’s name for the ugibisisila’; p. 245, ugibisisila, ‘Species of leafless climbing plant with large bulb and small green flowers, Bowiea volubilis, used as protective and love-charm’; p. 658, impephotshani, ‘Species of plant, prob. Gazania longifolia’. Bryant, Dictionary, gives the following glosses: p. 686, uvuma, ‘= isi- Kwali’; p. 337, isikhwali, ‘Certain shrubby climbing pant (Vigna triloba) bearing a flower resembling a sweet-pea’; p. 576, ishinga, ‘… groundsel-like weed …’; p. 561,

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umusa, ‘… small veldt-plant with white flower, used as love-charm by young men; also forest shrub, used for same purpose …’; p. 494, umpendulo, ‘Any medicine used for changing the sex of children (in the womb), and for other matters in regard to child-bearing’; p. 494, iphengulula, ‘Certain tree’; p. 494, iphengulule, ‘Small veldtherb, used for chest complaints …’; pp. 668-9, intwalabombo, ‘Certain climbing-plant …: a young man uses it as an emetic in order to make his bodily appearance (i-gazi) nice when going out courting, or washes his face with it to give it a beautiful reddish glow; the man afflicted with sexual impotency drinks an infusion of it, mixed with goat’s milk, in order to restore the lost powers which some evil person has charmed away from him …’; p. 310, imkhokha, ‘… certain climbing plant … whose small red seeds are carried “for luck” in one’s purse …’; p. 237, ihali, ‘Herb whose roots are mixed with the flesh of a kingfisher (isi-Vuba) and used as a love-charm …’; p. 665, umthunyelelwa, ‘Bastard Safraan or Mountain Hard Pear (Cathastrum Capense) used as an intelezi against lightning …’; p. 694, umwelela, ‘Certain shrub, whose roots are used as a love-emetic, dream-medicine, etc., by young-men in their dealings with the girls …’; p. 640, umtholo, ‘Certain kind of mimosa, common in the bush veldt …’; p. 263, umhlwazimamba, … certain forest climber, used an i-nTelezi …’; p. 391, umondi, ‘Certain forest climber, whose aromatic bark and roots are used as a stomachic for giving appetite and relieving flatulence’.

261 Gedle was another of Stuart’s informants: his evidence appears in volume 1 of the Stuart Archive.

262 This praise translates as ‘The one who is sent and agrees, like an impaka sent by its father, the umthakathi’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 480, gives impaka as ‘Cat possessed by an um-takati as a “familiar” and sent by him on villainous errands …’.

263 Umwelela derives from ukuwela, to cross over; kweliphesheya means ‘on the other side’.

264 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 86, gives incweba (pl. izincweba) as ‘Tiny skin-bag containing medicines or charms and worn singly or in numbers on a string round the neck’. On p. 710 he gives isiyaya (pl. iziyaya) as ‘String of feathers worn as an ornamental circlet round the neck; also sometimes (incorrectly) applied to ubu- Tekwane’. On p. 619 he gives ubuthekwane as ‘Bunch of feathers of any kind worn dangling from the back of the head by young-men …’. On p. 380 he gives amambatha as ‘Circlet worn round the neck or head by a man who has killed another in battle, and consisting of a number of tiny skin bags stringed <sic> together and containing medicinal-charms against evil results, etc.’. The ordinary meaning of isambatho (pl. izambatho) is covering for the body.

265 The noun inswelaboya, which literally means ‘one which lacks hair’, derives from ukuswela, to lack, and uboya, hair. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 656, gives inswelaboya (intswelaboya in his orthography) as ‘One without hair, i.e. an imPisi or hyaena … without hair, a hairless human im-Pisi or hunter after dead men’s flesh …’.

266 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 95, gives idelabuthongo as ‘Hyaena; an um-Takati … - lit. a thing that gives up sleep, i.e. goes about during the night’.

267 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 207, gives the locative emgulugulwini as ‘the place immediately in front of the pillar nearest the doorway in a Native hut …’. On p. 357, he gives umlindaziko as ‘That part of the Native hearth immediately behind the first pillar opposite the doorway …’.

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268 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 348, gives umlanda as ‘Term applied by any member of the husband’s family … to any member of the wife’s family (except her father and mothers, who are u-mamezala)’. Umlandakazi is the feminine form; umlandakazana is the diminutive form of the feminine.

269 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 496, gives impepo as ‘Small plant, bearing a yellow everlasting-flower, and burnt by <diviners>, it giving off a fragrant smell …’.

270 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 263, gives umhlwehlwe as the equivalent of umhlehlo. On p. 247 he gives umhlehlo as ‘The caul or network of adipose tissue covering the viscera of a beast and forming part of the peritoneum’. On p. 440 he gives amanoni as ‘often used for the fat generally on the beast’s body’.

271 Igama means song. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 182, gives isigekle (isigerre in his orthography) as ‘Any form of wedding-dance that is accompanied by clapping of hands, and generally of a quick spirited nature …’.

272 The original Zulu reads:

Ngi ray’ inkanyezi, inyang’ itwasile! (men)

Hey’ inkanyez’ inomsila, kupamben’ (or xaben’) amakosi! (women)

273 The notes in the paragraph appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

274 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 256. gives ukuhlonza as ‘… lead in music or reed-playing (… of the second party vuma would be used) …’. On p. 559 he gives ukuklwaza (ukurrwaza in his orthography) as the equivalent of ukuti klwa (rrwa). On the same page he gives the latter as meaning to make a sound like ‘the distant shrill singing of female voices’. On p. 686 he gives ukuvuma as ‘… sing the low accompaniment or second part in any song …’. On p. 115 he gives ukudokoza as ‘Speak in a low, base <sic>, gruff tone …’.

275 The statements in this paragraph appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

276 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 290, gives ikhambi (pl. amakhambi) as ‘Medicinal herb, of any kind, such as grows on the veldt and the fresh leaves of which are common “household remedies” … (not applied to “professional” medicines, such as are used by Native doctors, and which consist mainly of barks, dry roots, powders and the like …)’.

277 KwaNyakamubi was a small homestead on the outskirts of Shaka’s main umuzi at kwaDukuza.

278 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 325, gives umkhuhlane as ‘General name for any acute disease accompanied by fever, etc., such as ague, influenza, enteric, small-pox, pneumonia, pleurisy, severe cold, etc.’.

279 Ofeni lwenyoni translates as ‘at the fissure of the bird’. Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 579-80, gives umshokobezi (pl. abashokobezi) as ‘Wearer of ubu-Shokobezi i.e. a warrior of the u-Suthu or Cetshwayo’s army (not that of u-Zibebu), who adopted this custom’. On p. 580 he gives ubushokobezi as ‘Head-ornament made of the bush of a cow’s tail and carried in two pieces erect on the top of the head’.

280 Zihlandlo of the Mkhize (Mbo) people was a chief in the time of Shaka and Dingane.

281 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 368, gives ilunga as ‘beast … of a black colour with white on the back encircling downwards over the flanks towards the hinder-legs and sometimes also from the shoulder downwards towards the fore-legs …’.

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282 Nzobo kaSobadli was one of Dingane’s principal izinduna.

283 The uMavalana and uHayelwengwenya were ambutho formed by Dinuzulu. The uFalaza was an ibutho formed by Cetshwayo.

284 Mankulumana kaSomaphunga was one of Dinuzulu’s principal advisers.

285 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 464, gives unyandla as ‘Man sent with secret message, as to warn another of approaching danger …’.

286 Tshanibezwe of the Buthelezi was a chief in the Mahlabatini division. Mciteki of the Mandlakazi was an acting chief in the Ndwandwe division.

287 Khambi of the Zulu was a chief in the Ngotshe division.

288 Mabhoko of the Ntshangase was a chief in the Ngotshe division.

289 Arthur Shepstone, a son of Theophilus, was Secretary for Native Affairs in the colony of Natal from 1909 to 1910 and then Chief Native Commissioner in the province of Natal until his death in 1912.

290 Mmango was Arthur Shepstone.

291 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

292 Mkhungo and Sikhotha were sons of Mpande.

293 The words in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

294 The words in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion. Masiphula kaMamba was Mpande’s principal counsellor.

295 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 712, gives isiyendane (pl. iziyendane) as ‘Hair dressed so as to hang in long twisted strings …; person wearing such …; plur. izi-Yendane, Shaka’s name for the ama-Hlubi’. IziYendane was also the name for a group of fighting-men formed by Shaka from among the Hlubi and related peoples. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 711, gives umyeko (pl. imiyeko) as ‘Hair (whole head thereof) twisted in long strings … so as to hang down over the head all round = isi-Yendane, isi-Yendhle’.

296 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 32, gives ububende as ‘Blood found in the body of a slaughtered beast, which is mixed with minced-meat and eaten …’.

297 The expeditions referred to took place in 1828.

298 For inkengane see note 38 above.

299 For KwaNyakamubi see note 277 above.

300 To ‘wash the hands’ was to go through various purification rituals: for details see Bryant, Dictionary, p. 238, under hlamba. On uhlanga see note 21 above.

301 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 131, gives ukwendlala as ‘Lay down or spread flat out anything … for sleeping or lying upon …’. Ukwendlalela means ‘to spread out for’.

302 Lokothwayo kaManzini of the Nganga was a chief with adherents in the Camperdown, Inanda and Umlazi divisions.

303 Mnkabayi kaJama was a sister of Senzangakhona, the father of Shaka, Dingane and Mpande.

304 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 546, gives umqubula as ‘Dress … formed of three girdles or kilts of <monkey> tails, one of which was worn low over the buttocks, another above the hips and a third over the shoulders like a cape, thus covering the body entirely from neck to knee’. On p. 557 he gives imiklezo (imirrezo in his orthography) as ‘covering of long cows’-tails (ama-shoba) worn round the neck and falling over the chest and back …’. On p. 33 he gives ibheqe (pl. amabheqe) as ‘Strip of dry skin, of

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the <blue-monkey, genet>, etc., worn dangling on each side of the head before the ears, as a full-dress ornament …’. On p. 462 he gives umnyakanya (pl. iminyankanya) as ‘Single stick of <widow-bird> feathers, of which a couple … are fixed to the head as an ornament at dances, etc.’. On p. 635 he gives inhlendla (pl. izinhlendla) - intlendhla, izintlendhla in his orthography - as ‘Barbed assegai …’.

305 Dingane’s mother Mpikase was a daughter of Mlilela (Myiyeya) of the Qungebeni people.

306 Dabulamanzi was a brother of Cetshwayo. Entumeni is some fifteen kilometers west of Eshowe.

307 Hashi of the Biyela, Mbuzo of the Ntuli, Mavumengwana of the Ntuli, Siyunguza of the Mpungose, Nonzama of the Biyela, and Mgitshwa of the Biyela were chiefs in Zululand. Yamela was chief induna to Melmoth Osborn, who at this time was Resident Commissioner in the Zululand Reserve. Zibhebhu was head of the main house of the Mandlakazi.

308 Malimade was Melmoth Osborn.

309 Misjana was John Shepstone.

310 The notes in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

311 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 349, gives umlandwana as the equivalent of umlanjwana, which, on p. 350, he gives as ‘Pregnancy in an unmarried girl; applied also to the resulting child’.

312 The Ngoye hills lie between Eshowe and Empangeni.

313 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 341, gives umkhwenyana as ‘Term applied by any members of a wife’s family … to any member of her husband’s family, though more especially to the husband himself …’.

314 Ntshingwayo was of the Khoza people. A photograph of him appears in Bryant, Olden Times, opp. p. 275.

315 Dinuzulu died on 18 October 1913, eight days before Socwatsha made this statement to Stuart.

316 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 390, gives umnyama (ummnyama in his spelling) as ‘Pitchy darkness, as of night; … darkness of depression or sorrow in the heart, as brought over a kraal by the death of one of its chief inmates, and which is supposed to be removed by the uku-hlamba custom; quality in a thing for causing ill-fortune, evil-influence …’.

317 Umsinsi is the common Erythrina, and umhlonhlo the euphorbia. Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 494, give umumbu as ‘Species of soft-wood trees, Comniphora caryaefolia, C. harveyi (of the Incense family), and Sterculia Rogersii’.

318 Oyise literally means ‘fathers’, and oyisemkhulu ‘grandfathers’.

319 Umgando was the purification ceremony held after a person’s death. Ukugqiba and ukulahla mean ‘to bury’.

320 Nsokonsokwana was William Shepstone, one of Theophilus’ sons. The words in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

321 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 403-4, gives umnawe as ‘Any brother or sister younger than oneself …; used by married women to their brothers (married or unmarried) even when older than themselves …’.

322 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 860, give isixebhe as ‘1. Paramour, concubine. 2. Sweetheart …’.

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323 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 256, gives isihlonti as ‘Hair growing about a man’s chest, back, in the ears, etc. …’.

324 The words ‘before Ndondakusuka’ appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

325 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 137, gives ifa as ‘Property of any kind (including girls) left by one deceased, to be acquired by succession or inheritance’. Cope, Izibongo, p. 97, gives ‘Oth’ esadl’ ezinye wadl’ ezinye’ (‘He who while devouring some devoured others’) as one of Shaka’s praises.

326 Ukweqa is to jump over. The reference here is to the practice by which a chief who had been victorious in battle jumped over a prostrate defeated chief.

327 The apparent meaning of the passage is that all the men who took part in the killing of Mbuyazi in the battle of Ndondakusuka did so with their faces averted behind their shields out of respect for his status as a chief. Later they fled from the Zulu kingdom for fear of being put to death by Cetshwayo for having dared to kill a chief, as Mbopha had dared to kill Shaka.

328 The battles of Isandlwana and kwaWombane (or Nyezane) were fought in the first days of the British invasion of the Zulu kingdom in 1879. Cetshwayo’s reference to the son of Sonzica was to Theophilus Shepstone. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 322, gives inkovu as ‘Pumpkin or vegetable water i.e. in which the pumpkin or imifino have been boiled …’. He writes, ‘Phr. umtele ngenkovu emehlweni, you have thrown pumpkin-water in his eyes i.e. have slushed him with abuse, abused him to his face’.

329 Somsewu was Theophilus Shepstone.

330 This note appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

331 The events referred to took place in 1873. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 736, gives uzwathi as ‘Firestick i.e. either of the sticks used for producing fire by friction …’.

332 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 588, gives umsila as ‘… the fur-trimmed end of the stick of a shield; hence, sometimes applied to the whole stick when so ornamented’.

333 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 268, gives ihubo as ‘Tribal song; regimental song …’. He writes, ‘Each separate Zulu clan has a different ihubo or perhaps two of them. This song is treated with great respect by all the members of the clan, possessing as it does a certain sacred sentimentality of character …’.

334 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 682, gives iviyo (pl. amaviyo) as ‘Group, cluster … moving or standing in a body …’.

335 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 359-60, gives umlobokazi as ‘Young wife - applied to such from the time of her having first put on the top-knot (as an i-nKehli or betrothed girl still unmarried) until she passes her prime as a wife; and even indefinitely after that, by such women as are much older than herself …’.

336 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 629, gives umthimba as ‘Bride’s party (males as well as females), with which she comes to the wedding-dance …’.

337 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 163, gives isigaba as ‘Section, or portion divided off from the whole, as of a regiment, a field, contents of a book, a sleeping-mat, girl’s beadwork girdle, etc.; - hence troop, detachment, division, column, chapter, paragraph, verse, etc.’.

338 Doke and Vilakzi, Dictionary, p. 270, give ukugubha as ‘… dance with violent body movements’.

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339 Ntunjambili is marked on older maps as Kranskop mountain. The Ndondondwana ford over the Thukela lies below the mountain. Fort Yolland was situated to the north- north-east near the road from Eshowe to Nkandla.

340 The original reads:

Ogandagand’ umbango ku ngo wa kwa Nyuswa

Kwa Nyuswa kwa ku nga banga luto

Kwa ka bangw’ izinhlakuv’ emanxiweni.

341 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 252, give isigodi as meaning a valley or a division of territory.

342 Shaka attacked and broke up the Ndwandwe kingdom under Sikhunyana kaZwide in 1826.

343 Literally, ‘Go; you have been eaten up by the mountain’.

344 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 164, gives igabe as ‘Anything done heap-wise, in large single quantity, as … a whole beast cooked at one cooking …’.

345 Amashumi literally means ‘tens’. Figuratively it could here mean ‘dozens’ or ‘by the dozen’. Amagolo means anuses.

346 Weli was another of Stuart’s informants: his evidence appears elsewhere in the present volume. Stuart is here referring to a visit which he (Stuart) made to Zululand early in 1914.

347 Ithanga is a temporary or makeshift cattle enclosure.

348 These words translate as ‘In all the places hollowed out in the earth’. It may refer to grain pits.

349 For inhlwenga (pl. amanhlwenga) see note 56 above.

350 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 594, writes ‘Phr. amehlo amhlope! our eyes are white! – a greeting expressed to a person upon his safe return from battle or any other dangerous undertaking (in which cases the usual sakubona is never used)’.

351 The praise translates as ‘You who grew great while others delayed’.

352 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 88, gives ukudabuka as ‘… get broken out into being, get sprung forth into life …; originate, have their origin, as a tribe …’.

353 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 669, gives itwane (itwani) as ‘Fourth or digesting stomach of cattle …; hence, tripe’.

354 The reference is to p. 34 of File 58, nbk. 24 of the Stuart Collection. See below in the text.

355 The original Zulu reads:

Utshil’ o ngatshoyo

Umlom’ o nga teti manga.

356 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 59, gives ukubusa as ‘Enjoy a “fine” life, as one with plenty to eat and drink and nothing to do …; hence, live the gentleman, be a lord; lord it over a country i.e. reign over it … as a chief …’.

357 This note appears in the original as an insertion in the upper margin of the page. Umhlalandlini literally means ‘the one who remains in the house’.

358 Uvel’ enkosini translates as ‘He comes from the king’. Udhlamile may mean ‘the one who eats while standing (udla emile), which is a sign of bad manners. We have been unable to establish the precise meaning of uxoloxolo.

359 These sentences appear in the original as a marginal insertion. They translate respectively as ‘Here! Socwatsha kaPhaphu!’ and ‘Friend, the order is heard.’

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360 The reference is presumably to the manuscript of uKulumetule: see the following note.

361 The Zulu original of the account that follows forms one of the bases of the account published by Stuart in his reader uKulumetule (1925), pp. 7-14. (The section based on Socwatsha’s evidence runs from pp. 9 to 14.)

362 Mtshinane of the Khanyile was a chief in the Nkandhla division.

363 The notes in parentheses appear in the original as a marginal insertion. The reference to Ilanga, 24.3.1916, col. 2 is to an anonymous article written in Zulu and entitled ‘Abantu nemikuba yabo ukuhlazululwa kwohlanga’ (which translates as ‘The people and their customs; the breaking up of the ancestral stock’). Among the historical topics dealt with in the article is the incident involving Ngoza described in the text below. Xubhu kaLuduzo was another of Stuart’s informants. His testimony on this incident appears in the present volume, pp. 376-7.

364 Mgungundlovu was the Zulu name for Pietermaritzburg.

365 Somopho of the Thembu was a chief in the Zulu kingdom.

366 In the original of the sentence, the word used by Somopho for ‘white man’ is given as the ukuthefula form umyungu rather than the more usual umlungu.

367 In the original, the first of the two sentences which we have placed in parentheses appears as an interlinear insertion and the second as a marginal insertion.

368 Nzibe was a younger full-brother of Cetshwayo’s father, Mpande. He died in 1828 during the expedition which Shaka sent against Soshangane, ruler of what later became the Gaza kingdom.

369 Nyakeme is the stative perfect tense of ukunyakama, which Bryant, Dictionary, p. 462, gives as ‘… make a grim, morose, scowling face, as one angry …’.

370 The reference to notebook 57 is to the Stuart Collection, File 61, nbk. 57, p. 6, where, on 8.4.1905, Stuart made the following note: ‘Kwa mbila mhlope = Nowhere, as there are no white rock-rabbits.’ The Zulu phrase translates as ‘At the place of the white rock-rabbit’.

371 Esikhaleni sebomvu means ‘the pass of the red ochre’. Mgungundlovana was the Zulu name for Greytown.

372 Dlamvuzo, literally ‘eater of gain’, was a praise-name for Cetshwayo.

373 The Zulu original of the account that follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uBaxoxele (1924), pp. 187-90.

374 Thelwe ngomlotha literally means ‘covered in ashes’.

375 By ‘Tembu’ is here meant the Sithole. The Thembu and Sithole regarded one another as closely related.

376 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

377 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 511, gives ukuphothula as ‘… purify oneself, cleanse away the defilement of “black medicines” … by rubbing, anointing or washing one’s body in water or grease medicated with charms, and after which generally follows a completing dose of “white medicines” freeing the individual from all the restraint imposed upon him by the “black medicines”’.

378 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 550, gives iqungo as ‘Insanity caused in an i-Nxeleha who has neglected the process of uku-qunga …’. On p. 459 he gives inxeleha as ‘Person who has killed another, gen. in battle, and who, before returning home, must first

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perform certain ceremonies to purify himself of the evil taint (see qunga) …’. On p. 549 he gives ukuqunga as ‘… go through the process of self-fortification against evil consequences or influences by means of smearing the body with charred medicaments, charms, etc., as does a man who has killed another in battle …’. He goes on to give a detailed account of the rituals involved.

379 The names are those of British hunters and traders who operated from Port Natal in the 1820s and 1830s. Wohlo was Henry Ogle, Mbuyazi was Henry Francis Fynn, Phobana was Frank Fynn, and Febana was Francis Farewell.

380 This sentence appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

381 Tilonko of the Mkhize (Mbo) people was a chief with adherents in the Umgeni, Umlazi and Upper Umkomanzi divisions. He was deposed in 1906. Bubula, who was also of the Mkhize, was a chief with adherents in the New Hanover, Umgeni, Umlazi and Upper Umkomanzi divisions.

382 John Shepstone was the first Resident Commissioner of the Reserve territory which was set up by the British between the Thukela and Mhlathuze rivers. His term of office ran from December 1882 to March 1883.

383 Melmoth Osborn, who had previously been British Resident in Zululand, succeeded John Shepstone (Misjana) as Resident Commissioner in the Reserve Territory in April 1883. Mmango was Arthur Shepstone, who was appointed as Resident Magistrate of the Lower Umfolozi district in the new British colony of Zululand in 1887.

384 Landelisa was A. Pretorius, who was appointed as Resident Magistrate of the Nkandhla district in 1887.

385 The note on Yamela appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

386 J.L. Knight was appointed as Resident Magistrate of Entonjaneni district in 1887. Ndube of the Magwaza people and Sigananda of the Cube people were chiefs in the Nkandhla district.

387 Charles Saunders held office first as Chief Magistrate and Civil Commissioner and then as Commissioner for Native affairs in Zululand from 1897 to 1909. Mgomo may have been a son of Yamela. Mthonga and Mkhungo were sons of the Zulu king Mpande. Mfungelwa, of the Ntuli people, was a chief in the Eshowe division. Sikhonyana kaLuhleko of the Langeni house was an induna to John Dunn. Ntshingwayo kaSikhonyana was head of a section of Khoza people. We have been unable to identify Ngwenya kaMajiya. Mbango kaGawozi of the Mpungose was a chief in Zululand from 1879 until his death in 1880.

388 Hashi of the Biyela, Mphumela of the Ntuli, Mbuzo of the Ntuli, Luzindela of the Dlomo, Matshana kaSitshakuza of the Chunu, Matshana kaMondise of the Sithole, and Siswana of the Biyela were chiefs in the Nkandla region.

389 B. Colenbrander was magistrate at Nkandla during the rebellion of 1906.

390 The notes in this sentence appear in the original as a marginal insertion.

391 Sibindi of the Bomvu, a strong supporter of the Natal government, was a chief at the time of the rebellion of 1906. Meseni of the Qwabe was a chief with adherents in the Inanda, Indwedwe, Lower Tugela and Mapumulo divisions. Ndlovu of the Zulu was a chief in the Mapumulo division. Meseni and Ndlovu were leaders of resistance to government forces in the lower Thukela-Mvoti region.

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392 The reference is to Socwatsha’s evidence as recorded in File 58, nbk. 22, p. 1 of the Stuart collection: see below, pp. 142-3.

393 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 348, gives umlanda (pl. abalanda) as ‘Term applied by any member of the husband’s family … to any member of the wife’s family (except her father and mothers …)’.

394 The uGcongco is a ridge in the Nkandla region which runs down to the Nsuze river.

395 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion.

396 Omafungebema literally means ‘the ones who make oath while taking snuff’.

397 The name translates as ‘The place of the men who chose other men instead of girls’.

398 Ndlela kaSompisi was of the Ntuli, not the Luthuli as recorded here. On Bovu, see also the testimony of Lazarus Xaba in this volume, p. 359.

399 The reference is to a major raid made by a Zulu force against the Pedi under Sekwati in 1851.

400 OZwatini or Great Noodsberg is the name of a hill south of the middle Mvoti.

401 Dubuyana kaSihayo of the Nyuswa was a chief in the colony of Natal.

402 The note in parentheses appears in the original as an insertion in the lower margin of the page.

403 Bryant, Olden Times, p. 646, gives the inGobamakhosi ibutho as consisting of men born in the early 1850s.

404 The reference is to evidence given by Socwatsha under date 29.8.1921: see below, pp. 128-9. Bhongoza kaMefu won fame in the Zulu kingdom for decoying a party of Boers into an ambush after the Boer victory over the Zulu at the Ncome river in December 1838.

405 Mavumengwana of the Ntuli was a chief in the Zulu kingdom.

406 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 14, gives ubabekazi as ‘Any brother or half-brother of my or our father, i.e. paternal uncle …; any sister or half-sister of my or our father, i.e. paternal aunt; any um-Zala (male or female) of my or our father’. On p. 720 he gives umzala as ‘Cousin, i.e. male or female child born of one’s father’s sister … or any other child of such woman’s kraal; also any child of one’s mother’s brother …’.

407 Mphathesitha of the Magwaza was a chief in the Nkandhla division.

408 The Zulu original of the account that follows forms the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uTulasizwe (1923), pp. 47-9.

409 Lunguza kaMpukane was another of Stuart’s informants. The reference is to a statement which he made to Stuart on 21.3.1909, and which the latter recorded in File 59, nbk. 32, p. 17 of the Stuart Collection. For our rendering, see Stuart Archive, vol. 1, p. 342.

410 The reference is to a note that Stuart has inserted at the end of the account that follows.

411 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 269, give ukugqwasha (ukugqwatsha) as the ukuhlonipha word for ukuhlaba, to stab.

412 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 636, gives inhlonhlo (pl. izinhlonhlo) - intlontlo, izintlontlo in his orthography - as ‘… certain lump of meat … above the kidney on each side of an ox’.

413 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 313, gives umkhombe (pl. imikhombe) as ‘… present of meat from a slaughtered beast sent by one friendly woman to another (females not

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being supposed to go about to strange meat-feasts as do the men) …’. Imikhombe yenanana translates literally as ‘Presents of meat are exchanged’ and figuratively as ‘One good turn deserves another’.

414 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 475, gives ubomi as ‘Maggot or maggots of meat when fly-blown - a condition much appreciated by the Zulus; hence, fly-blown meat …’.

415 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 35, give umbezi as ‘Plant, whose large bulbous roots are eaten in time of famine’.

416 Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 45, give ubhoqo as ‘Several species of Ipomaea … with bulbous roots; e.g. Ipomaea ovata, whose black bulbs are eaten in famine time and used as a love-charm emetic, for smoking fields, and as a charm against lightning …’.

417 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 146, gives imifino as ‘Any wild-growing vegetable or edible herb (mainly leaves and stalks), cooked as vegetables for food …’. On p. 617 he gives intebe as ‘Arum-lily …’.

418 Umbidi kaSomsewu, literally ‘the multitudes of Somsewu’, refers to the rush on the part of numbers of people in Natal to get married before the colonial marriage regulations of 1869 came into effect.

419 Sidoyi kaBaleni of the Nhlangwini was a chief who lived near the lower Mkhomazi river. In 1857 he fell foul of the Natal colonial authorities and moved off to the territory south of the colony.

420 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 726, gives umuzi (pl. imizi) as ‘Certain kind of grass, used for platting women’s girdles, roof-mats, etc.’. On p. 72 he gives incema as ‘Long rush, growing in swamps about the coast, and making the best kind of sleeping-mats …’.

421 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 85, has chwasha (cwasha in his orthography) as an ideophone pertaining to the act of lightly pricking someone or something, or of loosely inserting something. If this was in fact the word from which ‘Socwatsha’ was derived, the name would be spelt Sochwasha in modern orthography. See also the gloss of chwasha in Doke and Vilakakazi, Dictionary, p. 117.

422 The Zulu original of the account that follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uHlangakula (1924), pp. 60-62. The reference to p. 18 is to Socwatsha’s evidence on p. 124.

423 In his writings Stuart usually used the form ‘Dingana’. In the passage that follows he uses ‘Dingana’ and ‘Dingane’ inconsistently.

424 Piti was the Boer leader Piet Retief who, together with a party of followers, was killed by Dingane in February 1838. The uBhalule or Olifants river rises in what is now Mpumalanga province.

425 Mjokwane kaNdaba was a praise-name for the Zulu chief Senzangakhona.

426 Battles between Zulu and Boer forces took place near the Mtshezi (Bushmans) river in August 1838 at a site subsequently known in Zulu as emaGebeni, and at the Ncome (Blood) river in Natal in December 1838.

427 Mpande and his following fled from the Zulu kingdom to seek an alliance with the Boers in Natal in September 1839.

428 Ndondakusuka was the name of a locality on the north bank of the Thukela near its mouth. Here, in April 1838, a Zulu force overwhelmed a cattle-raiding expedition led by British traders from Port Natal.

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429 Literally, ‘the little root of the umsenge tree’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 567, gives umsenge as ‘Cabbage tree …, having very soft, rotten-like wood; applied to any rotten old isi-dwaba’, or skin petticoat. The amaQongqo were hills near the Mkhuze river where Mpande’s forces defeated those of Dingane in January 1840.

430 The Zulu original of the account that follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uTulasizwe (1923), pp. 83-8.

431 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 207, gives ukuguleka as ‘Go off towards one side, get drawn towards one side …’. Here, as elsewhere in Stuart’s notebooks, the words ‘noted in Bryant’ may indicate that Stuart made a written note in his own copy of Bryant’s Dictionary.

432 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 268, gives ihubo (irubo in Stuart’s orthography) as ‘Tribal song; regimental song …’. He writes, ‘Each separate Zulu clan has a different ihubo or perhaps two of them. This song is treated with great respect by all the members of the clan, possessing as it does a certain sacred sentimentality of character’.

433 The original Zulu reads,

Hamba, Mdayi!

Si ye kiti!

Si bulal’ izwe la mankengane!

Au-u-u-u-nhu!

Hamba, Mdayi!

Si ye kiti!

Si bulal’ izwe la mankengane!

Au-u-u-u-nhu!

434 The reference seems to be to notes which Stuart made in his own copy of Bryant’s Dictionary.

435 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 557, gives imiklezo (sing. umklezo) - umrrezo, imirrezo in his orthography - as ‘… covering of long cows’-tails (ama-shoba) worn round the neck and falling over the chest and back …’.

436 For inkengane (pl. amankengane) see note 38 above.

437 The reference seems to be to a note which Stuart made in his own copy of Bryant’s, Dictionary.

438 Sikidi was one of Shaka’s praise-names.

439 Socwatsha here uses the siSwati word ukubita, to call, summon, invite, in place of the Zulu word ukubiza.

440 Ubuhlungu means medicinal herbs.

441 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 579-80, gives umshokobezi (pl. abashokobezi) as ‘Wearer of ubu-Shokobezi i.e. a warrior of the u-Sutu or Cetshwayo’s army (not that of u-Zibebu), who adopted this custom’. On p. 580 he gives ubushokobezi as ‘Head-ornament made of the bush of a cow’s tail and carried in two pieces erect on the top of the head’.

442 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 382, gives imbuka as ‘Traitor to one’s chief, one who forsakes him and goes over to another - the name was chiefly applied to those Zulus of Cetshwayo who left him and came to live on the south side of the Umhlatuze, with John Dunn and other whitemen’.

443 On Sitimela see note 33 above. The reference to nbk. 49 is to Stuart Collection, File 61, nbk. 49, pp. 5-6, where, on 9.11.1904, Stuart recorded testimony from Ngidi

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kaMcikaziswa on Somveli. See his statements as rendered in Stuart Archive, vol. 5, p. 70.

444 The reference to p. 23 is to Socwatsha’s evidence of 2.10.1921 as recorded by Stuart on p. 23 of File 58, nbk. 25. See the text below, p. 134.

445 The expression ‘Mpondo zamthini’, literally ‘the horns of the otter’, refers to the period before dawn when these imaginary horns are becoming visible. The expression ‘Ukwanyisa kwemithini’, literally ‘the suckling of the otters’, carries the same meaning, as does the expression ‘Mpondo zankomo’, literally ‘the horns of the bullock’. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 629, writes, ‘Phr. seku-mpondo za’mtini (or seku’sikati sokwanyisa kwemitini), it is already the horns of an otter (i.e. the time when its horns (?) just become visible), it is already the time when otters suckle their young = in the darkness just preceding the dawn’.

446 Magolwana kaMkhathini was a leading imbongi in the Zulu kingdom in the time of Mpande.

447 Nandi was the mother of Shaka; Mpikase was the mother of Dingane; Songiya was the mother of Mpande; Ngqumbazi was the mother of Cetshwayo; Nomvimbi was the mother of Dinuzulu; Nomantshali was a favourite wife of Mpande and mother of Mthonga and Mgidlana; Mnkabayi was a senior daughter of Jama, the father of Senzangakhona and grandfather of Shaka, Dingane and Mpande.

448 Ntombazi was the mother of Zwide, king of the Ndwandwe.

449 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 100, gives umdlebe as ‘Certain bush (Synadenium arborescens), the smell of which when in flower is said by the Natives to be fatal to one inhaling it’.

450 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 670, gives ukuthwebula as ‘Spirit or conjure away, remove by some magical process, the isi-Tunzi of a person or thing …’. On p. 665 he gives isithunzi as ‘… the living principle in man, spirit …; quality in a thing which imposes, is commanding of respect, impresses with power or superiority …’. On amanhlwenga see note 56 above.

451 Unhloyile is the yellow-billed kite.

452 Isihlenga is a raft of reeds for crossing rivers.

453 Literally ‘the grass coil of the nation’, an important royal emblem in the Zulu kingdom.

454 Literally ‘the earwax of the dog’. This phrase formed part of an insulting expression which, according to others of Stuart’s informants, was current before the nineteenth century in the region that became the Zulu kingdom.

455 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 595, gives usogekle (usogerre in his orthography) as ‘Maze, labyrinth, as drawn by Natives with spittle on the hut-floor when smoking hemp; applied to any arrangement of fencing, etc., designed to block up apparent passages or entrances into a kraal …’.

456 Socwatsha has previously identified Sihayo of the Nyuswa, Thondolozi of the related emaLangeni, and Mafongosi of the related Ngongoma as chiefs in the time of Shaka.

457 Dunjwa kaMabhedla was another of Stuart’s informants: his evidence appears in volume l of the Stuart Archive. Ulimi means tongue.

458 ‘Umnyayiza-ndimi, ungwadla zi bomvu, nemithando’ is a praise which translates as ‘the forked assegai, the assegais are red, together with the binding’.

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459 Ukunyaliza (ukunyayiza) is to move the tongue in and out, as a snake does. Hence umnyayiza means an assegai with a blade forked like the tongue of a snake.

460 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 211, gives ingwadla as ‘Any um-Konto (for which it was an old name)’. Umkhonto is a general term for assegai or spear. Isijula is a long-bladed assegai.

461 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 611, gives umthando (pl. imithando) as ‘… the string bound round an assegai-blade to fix it …’. On p. 346 he gives umlala as ‘One of the tendons running along each side of the back of the neck, and commonly used for binding on assegai-blades …’.

462 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 111, gives udimi as a mostly obsolete word for tongue. A snake’s tongue, he writes, is spoken of only in the plural, izindimi, and is never referred to as ulimi, which is the usual word for tongue.

463 The original Zulu reads:

Mpengula-jozi,

uNkonjan’ e zi ruq’ udaka.

464 The original Zulu reads:

Waliwa nguNdhlela!

Waliwa heyi!

Ha-o-o-o.

Waliwa uZulu

Wo wo wo!

465 Bryant, Olden Times, pp. 645-6, gives the men of the uKhokhothi or amaWombe ibutho as having been born c.1818, and the men of what he sees as a different ibutho, the inDabakawombe, as having been born c.1821. He sees the men of the umBelebele or iWombe ibutho as having been born c.1775-85, and the men of the inTontela ibutho as having been born c.1785-90.

466 Bryant, Olden Times, p. 646, sees the inDabakawombe as having been formed in 1841. The birth referred to in this sentence is that of Phaphu’s eldest son, Sifile.

467 The original Zulu version of the account that follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uKulumetule (1925), pp. 51-8.

468 Isibi is a piece of rubbish. In the context of Socwatsha’s statement it translates as ‘mote’. The name Sibisidi literally means ‘large mote’. Ukuphandla, ukuzungeza and ukuxhopha all mean to hurt the eyes, to blind.

469 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 545, gives isiqu (pl. iziqu) as ‘… medicinal prophylactic or medicine, not used for curing diseases, but for preserving against or preventing all manner of evil emergencies, … such as are worn as a neck-lace or string ornament round the body by a warrior who has killed a man in battle …’.

470 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 62, gives imbuya as ‘Common weed (Amaranthus Thunbergii), much liked as imifino when young …’. On p. 146 he gives imifino as ‘Any wild-growing vegetable or edible herb (mainly leaves and stalks), cooked as vegetables for food …’.

471 Iqiyana (pl. amaqiyana) or iqilana (pl. amaqilana) is the diminutive form of iqili, which Bryant, Dictionary, p. 536, gives as ‘Crafty, wily person, smart in cunning and trickery …’.

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472 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 310, gives umkhokha as ‘A train of ugly, unpleasant consequences which a person brings along with him …’.

473 On the izinkomo zamahole see note 71 above.

474 The Zulu word idube means zebra.

475 The word umhlathi (pl. imihlathi) means sections or columns.

476 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 341, gives umkhwenyana as ‘Term applied by any member of a wife’s family … to any member of her husband’s family, though more especially to the husband himself; hence, son-in-law; brother or sister-in-law’.

477 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 188, gives isigodi as ‘Dale, broad flattish valley with hills surrounding …’.

478 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 610, gives intandane as ‘Child without father or mother, or both …’.

479 Nsikeni is a prominent hill near the middle Mzimkhulu.

480 Ntunjambili, or the Kop, is a hill near what is now Kranskop village.

481 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 148, gives imfithi as ‘Amabele, in ear or grain, of a poor, wild-like quality, which is sorted out from the other when harvesting’.

482 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 729-30, gives isizinda as ‘… certain hut, and more especially the eldest son thereof, appointed by the father of every well-established Zulu kraal to be the “formal head” of the family in his own stead after his decease …’. Ondlalifa means ‘the ones who will inherit’. The ikhohlo is the left-hand section of an umuzi. Doke and Vilakazi, Dictionary, p. 588, give inqadi as ‘Second chief wife in a kraal (second in importance), appointed by the tribe to bear the heir should the chief wife fail …’.

483 The original Zulu reads:

O wa dabul’ emtanjeni a bant’ aba ka Tayi

E be godola be ya ku Macing. eNgonyameni.

For emtanjeni read ematanjeni.

484 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 697, gives umwowane as ‘Certain kind of trap for catching large animals … in which heavy logs and stones fall crushingly upon them …’.

485 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 424, gives ungoti (pl. ongoti) as ‘Unusually smart, clever i-Nyanga or professional of any kind, who masters everything in his line’. Inyanga here means skilled person, expert. On p. 393 he gives umpetha (pl. ompetha) as ‘Sharp, cunning person; artful dodger’.

486 The original Zulu version of the account that follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uHlangakula (1924), pp. 22-4.

487 This sentence is incomplete in the original.

488 Izinkobe is a dish of boiled maize or sorghum. Isijingi is a mash of pumpkin with maize or sorghum.

489 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 261, gives isihluthu as ‘Hair of a young man or girl when grown in a long thick mass’.

490 The name ekuDinekeni derives from the verb ukudineka, to become tired.

491 Esiweni samanqe means ‘the cliff of vultures’.

492 The reference is to Socwatsha’s evidence of 3.10.1921 as recorded by Stuart on p. 42 of File 58, nbk. 25. See below in the text, p. 142.

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493 The original Zulu version of the account that follows formed the basis of most of the account published by Stuart in his reader uKulumetule (1925), pp. 116-20. (The part based on Socwatsha’s evidence runs from p. 116 to p. 119.)

494 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 716, gives uyisekazi as ‘Any brother or half-brother of his, her, or their father, i.e. paternal uncle …; any sister or half-sister of father, i.e. paternal aunt …’.

495 Ishinga means ruffian, wrong-doer.

496 The iNtshangwe (‘Inchanga’) is a hill overlooking the Mngeni from the south halfway between Pietermaritzburg and Durban.

497 The breaking-up of the Hlubi chiefdom under Langalibalele kaMthimkhulu by the Natal colonial government took place in 1873-74. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 203, gives ingqwele as ‘The chief or principal among a number of herdsmen or herdsboys <sic>, whether by age, or as self-constituted “cock” of the gang …’.

498 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 351, gives ilawu as ‘Hut of unmarried man or boys, or unmarried girls, in a kraal; private hut of a married man …’.

499 Dingane’s main umuzi, umGungundlovu, was built near the Mkhumbane stream.

500 The name Songololo derives from isongololo, or millipede. The reference to p. 39 is to a statement made by Socwatsha on 3.10.1921 and recorded by Stuart on p. 39 of File 58, nbk. 25 of the Stuart Collection. See above, p. 141.

501 The reference is to File 74, pp. 125, 126, evidence of John Gama given on 17.12.1898 and 18.12.1898. See Gama’s evidence as rendered in the Stuart Archive, vol. 1, pp. 133, 135.

502 The reference is to nbk. 22 in File 58 of the Stuart Collection: see below in the text.

503 The original Zulu version of the account which follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uTulasizwe (1923), p. 46.

504 The reference is to File 57, notebook 2, p, 70. See Socwatsha’s evidence above, p. 120 under date 21.5.1916.

505 See Stuart’s note, ‘Go in p. 1’, in the text below. The words in parentheses were presumably inserted by Stuart when he was editing his original notes of Socwatsha’s testimony for publication in uTulasizwe.

506 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 413, gives umne as ‘Elder brother; used by girls to any brother, older or younger …; also by one man to another older than himself, even though not his brother (used with wetu, wenu, wabo)’. Umnewabo means his or her elder brother.

507 I.e. ‘Ntombazi of the people of Langa’. Stuart originally recorded the name as uNtombazi wa oYanga, presumably reflecting Socwatsha’s use of the ukuthefula form. At a later stage, probably when he was editing his original notes for publication, he crossed out the ‘Y’ and wrote an ‘L’ above it.

508 The original Zulu version of the story which follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uHlangakula (1924), pp. 7-11.

509 The praise-name uNongomba presumably derives from umgomba, which Bryant, Dictionary, p. 190, gives as the equivalent of igojela. On p. 189 he gives he latter as ‘Long tail-feather (of which there are usually two) of cock, <widow-bird>, etc., used as head ornament …’.

510 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 481, gives umpakathi as ‘… all the common men serving under any particular inDuna…’.

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511 The ikhala or ‘nose’ of an ibutho is usually given as meaning the vanguard. Uhlangothi, or ‘flank’, refers to the various sections which made up the main body of the ibutho.

512 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a marginal insertion. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 696, gives isiwombe as ‘Single meeting or joining in conflict between two contending armies, charge, onslaught, attack (referring not to the on-rush, but to the actual meeting in conflict)’.

513 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 65, gives ucaca as ‘Anything lying “scattered” or fallen about over the ground, as Kafir-corn blown down (in grain, or plant) by the wind, mealies spread all about the ground to dry, or men strewn killed over a field of battle’.

514 The original Zulu praises read: ‘uMweli, i wele yonk’ iNtontela, uMwelela kwe li petsheya; ugog’ o lu hlal’ amaNkayiya’. The praise makes a pun of the noun umweli, meaning ‘the one who crosses over’, and the noun umwelela, which Bryant, Dictionary, p. 694, gives as ‘Certain shrub, whose roots are used as a love-emetic, dream-medicine, etc., by young-men in their dealings with the girls …’. Bryant goes on to write, ‘In spitting out the charm in the direction of the girl he wishes to make dream of him, the young-man would say, hamba! mwelela-kwelipesheya …’, literally ‘Go! Mwelela to the one on the other side …’. Socwatsha gives the amaNkayiya as one of Zwide’s amabutho.

515 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 49, gives isibotho (pl. izibotho) as ‘Young locust or grasshopper just putting on wings but not yet able to fly …; weak-footed person, a bad-walker, who cannot walk far’.

516 Somaphunga was a son of Zwide.

517 Ukufulathela literally means ‘turn the back on’.

518 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 608, gives ukuthalalisa as ‘Pretend not to hear or see a thing … from contempt, perverseness, etc. …’.

519 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 389, gives mnyama as meaning ‘Black …; ruffled, angry, as one’s heart …’.

520 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 125, gives udwendwe as ‘Train or file of people or cattle, moving or standing one behind the other …; in an especial sense, the train of people accompanying a girl to her wedding, the bridal-party …’.

521 The Yamela referred to is presumably the man of that name who was chief induna to Melmoth Osborn. For the latter, see note 62 above.

522 Nqetho was a son of Khondlo.

523 Mapholoba of the Nyuswa was a chief in the time of Shaka.

524 Imbabala is the Zulu for bushbuck, sometimes specifically the female.

525 Mlokothwa kaMphumela was chief of a section of the Ntuli.

526 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 192, gives ingono as ‘… short stalk by which a pumpkin hangs to the mother-stem’.

527 The original Zulu version of this account formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uHlangakula (1924), pp. 86-7.

528 Mgungundlovu was the Zulu name for Pietermaritzburg.

529 Socwatsha’s account is confused in several respects. Theophilus Shepstone, who was then Administrator of the Transvaal, held a meeting with a Zulu delegation near the Ncome river in October 1877 to discuss a long-standing border dispute between the Zulu kingdom and the Transvaal. Michael Gallwey, the Attorney-General of

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Natal, was a member of a commission appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal early in 1878 to inquire into the dispute.

530 The incident described in the paragraphs that follow took place during the meeting between the Zulu delegation and Shepstone referred to in the previous note.

531 Siyunguza of the Mpungose was a chief in the Zulu kingdom.

532 Ukunyenyeza is to whisper, speak in a low voice.

533 The reference is to Socwatsha’s evidence as recorded in File 58, nbk. 25, pp. 24-7 of the Stuart Collection under date 2.10.1921. See above, pp. 135-6.

534 The name amadlelandongeni literally means ‘those who eat in the gullies’.

535 David and Solomon were sons of Dinuzulu who, after his death in 1913, disputed the succession to his position.

536 Mankulumana, a senior member of the Ndwandwe chiefly house, was Dinuzulu’s chief counsellor. Ndabenkulu of the Ntombela was a chief in Zululand. Lokothwayo was of the Ngadi chiefly house.

537 I.e. Harriette Colenso, daughter of Bishop John Colenso and a staunch supporter of Dinuzulu.

538 Mnyayiza and Mkebeni were senior members of the Zulu royal house through their fathers, both of whom were sons of Mpande.

539 The name Mhlabangubo means ‘the one who stabbed the blanket’.

540 Mkebeni was another of Stuart’s informants: his evidence appears in volume 3 of the Stuart Archive. The reference is to File 58, nbk. 25, p. 5 of the Stuart Collection.

541 Umbani (loc. embaneni) means lightning.

542 Dinuzulu’s mother, Nomvimbi, was a daughter of Msweli of the Nzimela people.

543 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 726, gives isizi as ‘Confiscated property (collectively) of any and every description (cattle, children, wives, etc.) taken by the chief from any particular kraal, whose owner has been killed by the king’s order or has died without heirs’. On p. 198 he gives isigqila (pl. izigqila) as ‘Female servant, “slavey”, i.e. young girl obtained to do the menial work for any of the wives of a chief’s kraal (a class of servants who became noted for the harsh treatment they had to endure at the hands of their mistresses - see gqilaza); applied derisively to a man in a similar menial position …’. On p. 199 Bryant gives ukugqilaza as ‘Punch or pommel away at a person … with the fists, as when down on the ground - a common habit of the chief’s women when punishing their maid-servants …’.

544 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 641, gives intombi as ‘Girl of full-grown, marriageable age; (in a particular sense) sweetheart’.

545 The verb ukulinga, from which ukulungisa derives, means ‘to try out’.

546 Sekethwayo of the Mdlalose was a senior chief.

547 Masiphula, a senior figure in the emGazini chiefly house, was chief counsellor to Mpande.

548 Mashiqela was Sir Charles Saunders: see note 387 above. Dinuzulu returned to Zululand from exile on St. Helena in January 1898. KwaNdunu was a ridge near the Nongoma magistracy where the forces of Dinuzulu decisively defeated those of Zibhebhu in June 1888.

549 Empandleni was the site of the magistracy in the Nkandhla division.

550 The note in parentheses appears in the original as a starred insertion in a space further down the page.

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551 I.e. the British invasion of the Zulu kingdom in 1879.

552 Misjana was John Shepstone. Hlubi was chief of a group of Sotho in the Nquthu area. Jantoni was John Dunn.

553 Mfanawendlela of the Zungu, Ntshingwayo of the Khoza, Sekethwayo of the Mdlalose, Somkhele of the Mpukunyoni, Siyunguza of the Mpungose, Mgitshwa of the Biyela, Mlandela (Myandeya) of the Mthethwa and Faku of the Ntombela were senior political figures appointed by the British to rule in Zululand after the defeat of the Zulu kingdom in 1879.

554 Mmango was Arthur Shepstone: see also notes 118 and 383 above. Isibhalo meant the system of compulsory labour on government works implemented by the Natal colonial government. In the present context it refers to a gang of labourers.

555 Mahu and Hayiyana were of the Mandlakazi section of the Zulu royal house.

556 Ndabuko was a full-brother of Cetshwayo. Isijingi is a mash of pumpkin and other vegetables.

557 Shonkweni (Tshonkweni) was a son of Mpande.

558 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 662, gives isithundu (pl. izithundu) as ‘Any medicine mixed up (pehlwa) and drunk as an emetic, in order to render oneself favoured by the amadhlozi or by the girls …’.

559 ‘Bayede!’ was a salutation for the Zulu king. The reason for Stuart’s reference to it here emerges from the text below.

560 The praise-name, meaning ‘Wave of the sea”, was Mthonga’s.

561 ‘Inkonyan’ ebomvu, e nga qotshelwa mcilo’ in the original.

562 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 35, gives ibibi as ‘… immensely big broad person “appropriating all the room” to himself …’.

563 Mgungundlovu was the Zulu name for Pietermaritzburg. Mkhungo was another son of Mpande who had fled to Natal to escape being put to death by Cetshwayo.

564 The persons named were all senior sons of Mpande.

565 The ikhohlo was the left-hand house of an umuzi.

566 Bryant, Dictionary, pp. 403-4, gives umnawe as ‘Any brother or sister younger than oneself …; used by married women to their brothers (married or unmarried) even when older than themselves’.

567 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 716, gives uyisekazi as ‘Any brother or half-brother of his, her, or their father, i.e. paternal uncle …; any sister or half-sister of father, i.e. paternal aunt …; any um-Zala (male or female) of father’. On p. 720 he gives umzala as ‘Cousin, i.e. male or female child born of one’s father’s sister … or any other child of such woman’s kraal; also any child of one’s mother’s brother …’.

568 Melmoth Osborn (Malimade) was British Resident in Zululand from 1880 to March 1883. His headquarters were at Nhlazatshe to the north-west of present-day Ulundi. In April 1883 he was appointed Resident Commissioner in the Zululand Reserve territory with his headquarters at Eshowe. See also note 62 above.

569 Hlobane and Nkambule (often written as ‘Kambula’ in the literature) were scenes of fierce engagements during the British invasion of the Zulu kingdom in 1879. Lukhuni, which means a piece of wood, was Colonel Evelyn Wood, a British column commander during the invasion.

570 Godloza was Socwatsha’s elder brother.

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571 Socwatsha’s original account in Zulu of the restoration of Cetshwayo, beginning with this sentence, formed the basis of the first part (pp. 168-70) of the account published by Stuart in his reader uKulumetule (1925), pp. 168-81. The Lala country presumably here means the lowlands of Zululand.

572 The note in parentheses appears in the original as an interlinear insertion.

573 We have been unable to establish the meaning of ubusula.

574 Mnyamana, chief of the Buthelezi, had been Cetshwayo’s chief counsellor before the latter’s deposition by the British in 1879.

575 The original Zulu version of the account that follows formed the basis of the account published by Stuart in his reader uHlangakula (1924), pp. 92-5.

576 Malebemade literally means ‘long labia’, from amalebe, a vulgar term for the labia majora, and made, ‘long’. In using it here, the women were making a derisive play on Osborn’s Zulu name, Malimade, which was derived from his first name, Melmoth.

577 The names Msekispana and Misospana were derived from the name Osborn.

578 Mazwana, Manqondo and Ndube were Magwaza chiefs.

579 The izinhlangothi (sing. uhlangothi) were the ‘sides’ or ‘flanks’ of the umuzi which together constituted the main part of its body of men.

580 The reference is presumably to notebook 21 in File 58: see the text below.

581 The note in parentheses appears in the original as an arrowed insertion. In his unpublished list of ‘Native Names of Europeans’ (Stuart Collection, File 73, p. 156), Stuart gives Maphuzingwebu as ‘Mr Lamb, store-keeper Matigulu’.

582 For Sotobe see note 72 above.

583 For umnewabo see note 506 above.

584 The original reads:

Iyakulek’ intombi ka Bunge wo ku Ntwayiza,

A gxubuza nge tshoba ka mkumbi no lwandhle,

Ka Dada li se manzini,

uManz’a puma nge mbobo zo mtshezi.

Several plays on names are made in these praises. Umkhumbi means ship, idada means duck, amanzi means water. The uMtshezi river is otherwise known as the Bushmans.

585 The original Zulu version of the account that follows was incorporated by Stuart as pp. 170-81 of the account which he published in his reader uKulumetule (1925), pp. 168-81.

586 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 227, gives iheheba as ‘Anything with a rough, uneven surface …’.

587 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 654, gives izinsipho (sing. intsipho, intsipo in his orthography) as ‘Dregs of u-tshwala, which are squeezed out again with water and drunk as a kind of small-beer; such small-beer itself’. Utshwala is beer made from sorghum or maize.

588 The assembly which Socwatsha is describing took place in January 1883.

589 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 602, gives usungulo (pl. izinsungulo) as ‘Native awl, or needle for piercing …’.

590 Gwalagwala was Henry Fynn, who had been appointed as British Resident with Cetshwayo.

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591 For injobo see note 151 above.

592 The reference is to H.F. Fynn’s testimony of 16.11.1913 as recorded by Stuart in the Stuart Collection, File 54, nbk. 5, pp. 23-9.

593 The praise given here was one of Cetshwayo’s. The original Zulu reads:

uHlamvana bul’ umlilo,

o bu baswe uMantshonga no Ngqelebana.

594 Hemulana of the Sibiya people was chief induna to Mnyamana.

595 To sisa is to place livestock in the care of another person who is given certain rights of usufruct.

596 Mlandela (Myandeya) kaMbiya of the Mthethwa was a senior chief.

597 Siyunguza of the Mpungose was a senior chief.

598 Msushwana of the Mdletshe was a senior chief.

599 I.e. the soldiers who accompanied him.

600 Ukubeka usually means to place, to appoint. Here it seems to mean ‘to make an announcement’.

601 Of the Sibiya people.

602 Of the Qungebe people.

603 On imbuka (pl. amambuka) see note 127 above.

604 Matshana kaSitshakuza was a Chunu chief. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 408, gives uncukubili as ‘An hermaphrodite or double-sexed thing; double-faced person, who unites himself with both parties in a conflict - comp. with i-nCuke (hyaena, etc.), this animal being supposed by the Natives to be an hermaphrodite’. Impisi is the Zulu for hyena.

605 In March 1883.

606 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 670, gives ukuthwebula as ‘Spirit or conjure away, remove by some magical process, the isi-Tunzi of a person or thing …, as that he become no longer highly esteemed by the chief or among the girls, or that his crops lose their fine-looking, thriving appearance.’ On p. 665 he gives isithunzi as ‘… the living principle in a man, spirit (while living), “shade” (after death = i(li)-Dhlozi); quality in a thing which imposes, is commanding of respect …’.

607 Unhloyile is the yellow-billed kite. Bryant, Dictionary, p. 429, gives ungqwashi as the equivalent of umangqwashi, which on p. 376 he gives as ‘Rufous-naped Lark’. He writes, ‘This bird is in great request among young-men, who use its fat as a love-charm’.

608 Nsuze kaMfelafuthi was another of Stuart’s informants: his evidence appears in volume 5 of the Stuart Archive.

609 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 423, gives ungiyane as ‘White viscous material found attached to the um-Zungulu and other trees and which, mixed with the juice of um-Bodiya roots, is used for making the black material of men’s headrings’. On p. 735 he gives umzungulu as ‘Certain bush (Dalbergia obovata), whose bark is used as rope, etc., for binding’. On p. 42 he gives umbhodiya as ‘Small plant growing by rivers, the viscous fluid of whose bulbous root is used for mixing with the u-Ngiyane in the making of a Native headring …’.

610 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 542, gives uqondo as ‘Inner framework of a man’s isi-Coco or head-ring and which is formed of a rope of palm-fibres (see i-nGqondo) bound

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round by string or tendon …’. On p. 200 he gives ingqondo as ‘The stringy, fibrous edge or middle rib of a palmetto leaf, which are bunched together to form the rope-like frame of a man’s head-ring, etc. …’. On p. 203 he gives ingqwanga as ‘Any tough, strong thing or person; framework of a headring …’.

611 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 654, gives insingo as ‘Native razor, resembling a large rough blade …’.

612 On uzi see note 152 above.

613 Bryant, Dictionary, p. 682, gives iviyo as ‘… edible fruit of the um-Viyo tree …’. On the same page he gives umviyo as ‘Kind of wild medlar tree, bearing a brown edible fruit …’. The ikhiwane is the wild fig.